The mobility of scientists that is the subject of this article is part of the broad scale of flows of people, objects, and knowledge in the contemporary world. These flows occur in multiple ways: from relocation and settlement in another country, to everyday pendulating mobility back and forth across boarders. In this article, the author is concerned with academic mobility and particularly mobility tied to long-term post-doctoral fellowships. She sets out to explore the gender dimension of long-term academic mobility and observe how scientists organise their professional and personal lives around movement between academic institutions. She argues that mobility at this stage of the academic trajectory involves the production of new (re)configurations of partnerships, while at the same time the fact of being in a partnership is constitutive for establishing an academic career., Alice Červinková., Téma: Feministická reflexe globalizace, Obsahuje bibliografii, and Anglické resumé
Kruciální pojem Úmluvy o právech dítěte, „well-being (welfare) of the child“ byl pro české zákony přeložen slovem „blaho“, které se běžně nepoužívá a není úplně srozumitelné. Autorka se snaží najít vhodnější výraz.Právní úprava poměrů dítěte prošla v poválečném období zvláštním vývojem: právní stav v zemích tradičních demokracií se lišil od situace ve státech tzv. sovětského bloku.V druhých jmenovaných byly přepsány všechny zákony podle sovětského vzoru. To mimo jiné znamenalo, že moc nad dítětem získal zásadě každý, kdo byl rodičem. O takový právní stav se v ostatních zemích našeho kulturního regionu (západní Evropa, USA ap.) svádějí dodnes boje nebo se aspoň vedou diskuse. Jestliže soud na Západě rozhoduje o právních poměrech dítěte, rozhoduje o tom, který rodič má mít rodičovskou odpovědnost.Moc nad dítětem je tam totiž tradičně (od dob antického Říma) singularizovaná (tj.má ji jeden rodič). Totéž platí, rozhoduje-li o poměrech dítěte ESLP ve Štrasburku.Pokud rozhoduje o poměrech dítěte soud v ČR, rozhoduje jen o tom, jak který z rodičů se bude podílet na výkonu rodičovské odpovědnosti k dítěti. Proto jsou rozhodnutí ESLP v meritu pro naše soudy nepoužitelná. Zákony západních zemí jen postupně dospívají do podobné právní situace, jaká je u nás už šedesát let. Na rozdíl od poměrů u nás je na západě zásadní rozpor s well-being dítěte nepřekročitelnou překážkou. Pro rozhodování soudu v případě, kdy rodiče dítěte netvoří nebo nechtějí tvořit souladný pár, by mělo být všude určující, že musí najít to řešení, které nejlépe zajistí spokojený život dítěte. and The crucial term of The Convention on the Rights of the Child “welfare of a child” was officially translated for the use of Czech legal system as “blaho” in Czech. This Czech term, although it has many meanings, is not commonly used in this context and is quite unclear. Nevertheless the author attempts to find a better word for the term “welfare”.During the period following the Second World War the law dealing with children had undergone a specific evolution: the legal regulation of the traditional democracies differed from the one in the so-called Soviet bloc. The latter states rewrote their laws in order to comply with the Soviet model. This, among others, meant that whoever was parent, obtained the rights and responsibilities over the child. This legal condition is the reason for the struggles or at least discussions all over the countries of our cultural region (Western Europe, USA etc.).When Western courts determine the child’s legal relations, it decides which parent should
maintain the legal custody. The reason for that is the traditional (since ancient Rome) sole legal custody (it’s awarded to only one parent). The same can be said about the judgments of the ECtHR in Strasbourg concerning these types of cases. If it’s the Czech court, who determines these issues, it focusses only on details of joint parental responsibility, thus it decides just how a parent will participate in the exercise of parental responsibility for the child. Therefore the judgments of the ECtHR are not applicable to our courts. The law of western countries has only gradually reached the same judicial state of affairs, which we have reached over sixty years ago. Contrary to our situation, there is a major conflict regarding the welfare of a child in the West and it represents an unsurmountable obstacle. For the courts’ decision making it should be fundamental (in case of parents inability to maintain healthy relationship) to find a solution which leads to a best realization of a content life of a child.
This paper addresses Peter Sloterdijk's optimistic 'attitude'. I show that it is a philosophical posture based on pragmatic speculation and spiritual exercise. By situating it in a tradition that passes from Leibniz's meliorism to Whitehead's ecology of propositions, I argue that optimism is an essential component of a public use of reason of which the finality is no longer the good sense of critique but of the care for common sense. At stake is the cosmological and cosmopolitical care for the possibility of rationalization processes in a 'monstruous world' of ever denser feedback mechanisms.
Critique is one of the social sciences’ most respectable tasks, especially when its aim is to emancipate people oppressed for their otherness. However, there is also a critique of critique as a disabling tool, replacing the obvious actors revealed as ‘fictitious’ with synthetic objects that the critic herself deems more ‘factual’. This article understands the critical gesture as a pragmatic resource for re-organising the field of dis/abilities. In the first part of the article, we make three critical gestures together with José, a person identified as mentally ill. A paranoid vision of a secret conspiracy, a naturalising concept of disease, and the critique of stigma all seek to radically redraw the dis/ability coordinates, but their emancipatory potential is thwarted by the complex interconnectedness of their objects. José’s recovery thus ultimately hinges on a delicate balancing act combining critique and composing. In this sense, his effort resembles the careful treading of lay and professional critics in the last part of our text, in which we try to solve problems of living with dementia together with the Hanuš family. While the critical gesture has an essential role to play here as well, close ethnographic encounters are rather about jointly articulating the critical matters of care, wherein the problematic agencies of both obvious and not-so-obvious actors are acknowledged.
The author deals with the issue of the marginalization of care in the teaching profession in Slovakia. The starting point is Selma Sevenhuijsen’s concept of care as a social, moral and political practice, and Iris M. Young’s concept of marginalization as a form of social oppression. Both these concepts are applied in order to gain an understanding of the situation of she-teachers and he-teachers in the context of a reform of the teaching profession and the education system in Slovakia. The author argues that the stereotypical conceptualization of care and the resulting marginalization of care in the teaching profession are key factors in explaining why the teaching profession is regarded as a job with the lowest social status., Adriana Jesenková., and Obsahuje bibliografii
b1_The text deals with the efforts to save housework in relation to the process of women’s emancipation. Since the 19th century, using gas, electricity and modern devices in the household promised to eliminate physical exertion and to speed up work substantially. In the process women were to acquire time to participate in education and cultural life. In the 20th century we see a differentiation in women’s roles: educated professional women got rid of most domestic work by hiring other women to perform it. After the Second World War and in relation to the mobilization of women from homes to employment, the communist regime announced the project of the liberated household. A specialized enterprise was to provide full services to households: laundry, cleaning and mending of clothes, cleaning and others. Daily boarding was to be ensured by kitchens in preschool facilities, schools and factories. The displacement of a majority of housework from the household did not succeed, the services sector in real socialism permanently lagged behind the needs of households, and the weight of the second shift was born primarily by women. Since the 1970s the limited market offer and the limitations of public life resulted in various types of domestic activities flourishing further. The text also deals with the maximum rationalization of domestic operation as it has been implemented in the experiment of collective housing. The restriction on the kitchen space which was also reproduced in the housing cores of panel apartment buildings did not work operationally or socially. Food preparation and eating together remained important elements of family life, and today kitchens are the center of a functional home. Cooking has become a recognized activity in which men also participate., b2_Most chores performed in the 19th century by women are carried out today by machines or have been taken over by the industry and paid services. What remains is work related to childcare and nursing the sick and elderly. The recognition and valuation of these activities, performed primarily by women, remain unresolved., Květa Jechová., and Obsahuje bibliografii
In this article the authors examine the forms and experiences of insecure and precarious work by Czech women caring for a child or a dependent family member. The results of a quantitative survey indicate that the share of caring women performing precarious work increased during the economic crisis. A secondary analysis of interviews conducted in 2006–2013 with women caring for a child or another family member offered insight into the forms precarious work can take and the ways women feel about this kind of work and why. It also demonstrated in what way, based on the capability approach, their explanations provide a better understanding of the nature and extent of precarious work among women with care responsibilities. We found that the ways caring women view ad-hoc work fit along a continuum, ranging from an optimal temporary strategy, to a temporary solution in the absence of other options, and finally to feelings of being caught in a precarious work trap. This continuum can be extrapolated into a kind of ‘collective story’: a woman first ‘chooses’ ad-hoc work as a temporary strategy to get a job; if her life conditions are difficult she must continue to perform such work against her preferences; after a long period of economic inactivity or of performing just temporary work, the woman is ultimately unable to find any secure form of employment, even if she is no longer restricted by care responsibilities – she ends up trapped in precarious work. and Obsahuje seznam literatury
Are social movements responsible for their unfinished agendas? Feminist successes in opening the professions to women paved the way for the emergence of the upper middle-class two-career household. These households sometimes hire domestic servants to accomplish their child care work. If, as I shall argue, this practice is unjust and furthers social inequality, then it poses a moral problem for any feminist commitment to social justice., Joan Tronto., and Obsahuje bibliografii
The article focuses on analyzing the institution of hired domestic care in the context of global connections of social relations and changing social forms of care. In the first part, the author introduces the social context in which the market model of care and transnational care practices partake in forming the process of distorted emancipation. In the second part, she focuses on feminist contentions about the meaning and possibilities of transformation of the institution of hired domestic care. In the third part, a systematic analysis of this institution is presented, examining forms of relationships between the domestic worker and the employer with a reference to institutional conditions and employers’ attitudes. With respect to the dimensions of personal/impersonal relationships and the degree of formalization of the relationship between the domestic worker and the employer, the author differentiates four major forms of relationships: paternalistic/maternalistic relationship, instrumental relationship, the relationship of contractual professionalization, and the relationship of personalism. These forms of relationships are connected with four possible attitudes towards domestic workers: subordination, fictive reification, valuation of achievement, and respect. On the basis of her analysis the author identifies drawbacks of the professionalization of hired domestic work and care as a solution to gender and social injustice emerging from this institution. At the end, the author outlines a public model of care as a starting point for a future exploration., Zuzana Uhde., and Obsahuje bibliografii
The aim of the study is to provide basic summary of the factors that influence the involvement of grandparents in the care for young children in the Czech families and to introduce a typology of the patterns of grandparent role. The paper presents results of both quantitative and qualitative analysis. The first part of the paper uses the data from the second wave of SHARE 1) to outline the typology of grandparents’ involvement with respect to different forms and intensity of contacts with grandchildren and the geographical proximity of family members and 2) to map how the socio-demographic factors influence the forms and intensity of involvement in the care for grandchildren. The second part of the paper focuses on the subjective experience of Czech mothers and grandmothers. 18 mothers and 12 grandmothers of children younger than 10 years were interviewed. The paper points out the existence of various conceptions of grandmothers’ role in the Czech families., Jaroslava Hasmanová Marhánková, Martina Štípková., and Obsahuje seznam literatury