The article focuses on the problem of „štatl“ of Brno and its inhabitants, the so called „štatlaři“. The term „štatl“ can signify the city of Brno itself, or the city center, but also a certain type of subculture and, in connection with the term „štatlaři“, the specific group of the inhabitants of Brno. The core of the article consists in the analysis of images and meanings connected with štatl and štatlaři, their image and interpretation in memories and the exploitation of their image at present (commercial use in advertising). Besides štatl, the article also reflects the specific language, the so called “hantec” that is inseparably connected with štatl. The chronological frame of the article is from the 1960s to the present, but it mentions also the so called “Brno stove” (plotna) from the beginning of the twentieth century that is often mentioned in connection with štatl. The methodological basis of research consisted in especial in oral history and analysis of documents. The basic sources for the article were interviews, memoirs and published scientific articles. The results of the analysis should serve on the one hand as contemporary interpretation of life of certain group of people in urban setting during the period of socialism, on the other hand for better understanding of the processes that are connected to the contemporary creation of local identities, as well as commercial use of cultural artifacts.
During the state socialist era in the GDR, the People's Republic of Poland and Czechoslovakia, care for the elderly and people in need of help was often provided at home. Volunteers from the national Red Cross societies, the East German organization People's Solidarity or neighborhood helpers from the residential area cared for needy people in the place that determined their reality of life – their own home. The way in which the home shaped social voluntary care for helpers and those in need before and after 1989 will be the subject of this paper. Keywords: care, elderly, home, volunteering, state socialism, German Democratic Republic, People's Republic of Poland, Czechoslovak Socialist Republic.
Studie reaguje na nedávné debaty o odporu vůči státnímu socialismu v Československu a zabývá se metodologickými přístupy ke studiu rezistence ve vztahu k současnému českému bádání o „třetím odboji“. Autor nejdříve nastiňuje vývoj výzkumu rezistence v historiografii a dalších společenských vědách. Zabývá se zejména pracemi britských marxistických historiků z padesátých a šedesátých let minulého století, konceptem „každodenních forem rezistence“ (James C. Scott) či přístupy indické školy „subalterních studií“ (Subaltern Studies) v následujících dvou desetiletích a uvádí některé vlivné typologie rezistence. Zvláštní pozornost věnuje německým výzkumům rezistence vůči nacismu a státnímu socialismu, americkému bádání o odporu v éře stalinismu a souvisejícím odborným kontroverzím. Z perspektivy mezinárodního bádání o rezistenci pak autor kriticky analyzuje český výzkum „třetího odboje“ a v závěru studie nabízí možná východiska ze současného neradostného stavu bádání na tomto poli se záměrem podnítit historiografickou diskusi., This article is a response to a recent debate on resistance to state socialism in Czechoslovakia. It focuses on the methods used in contemporary Czech research on the ‘Third Resistance’. The author begins by outlining developments in historical and other research on resistance. He considers in particular works by British Marxist historians in the 1950s and 1960s, James C. Scott’s concept of ‘everyday forms of resistance’, and the Indian school of ‘Subaltern Studies’ over the next two decades. He also presents some influential typologies of resistance, with special attention paid to German research on resistance to Nazism and state socialism, American research on resistance in the Stalinist era, and controversies that emerged amongst scholars in these areas. From the perspective of this international research, he then analyzes Czech scholarship on the ‘Third Resistance’. In his conclusion, the author offers possible ways out of what he sees as the currently desolate state of research on the topic, hoping thereby to provide an impulse to the historiographical debate., and Vítězslav Sommer.
a1_Východiskem článku je pojem ''národní cesty k socialismu'' ve svých dvou základních významech, tedy politickotaktickém i teoretickém. Jeho cílem je ukázat na českém příkladu komplikovaný a dynamický vývoj ústředních témat ''ideologických vichřic'' dvacátého století kondenzovaných v pojmech ''revoluce'' a ''národní emancipace''. Autor se zaměřuje na dva významné české komunistické politické myslitele a aktivisty - historika, muzikologa a ministra v československých poválečných vládách Zdeňka Nejedlého (1878-1962) a na filozofa a esejistu Karla Kosíka (1926-2003) - kteří reprezentují dvě odlišné existenční, generační a intelektuální reakce české radikální levice na výzvy své doby. Oba se pokusili svým vlastním, osobitým způsobem formulovat předpoklady a koncepční rámce české či československé "národní cesty" k socialismu, ale též varovat před jejími úskalími. Zatímco Zdeněk Nejedlý svou těsně poválečnou koncepcí československých komunistů jako dědiců pokrokových národních tradic aktualizoval především odkaz husitské revoluce a národního obrození 19. století v kontextu komunistické kulturní politiky, vcelku úspěšně jej propojil se snahami komunistické strany o historickou legitimizaci své vlády a vytvořil tak oficiální osnovu výkladu českých dějin autoritativně platnou po celá padesátá léta minulého století,, a2_Karel Kosík se nejprve pokusil z radikálně levicových pozic o vypracování alternativní, implicitně polemické koncepce národní revoluční kontinuity, která hledala inspiraci u českých radikálních demokratů a v jejich revolučním vystoupení z roku 1848, aby se od konce padesátých let stal jedním z představitelů marxistického revizionismu v Československu, filozofickým kritikem stalinismu a dehumanizace moderního člověka pod tlakem abstraktních ideologií a mocensko-byrokratických aparátů a nakonec si získal pověst filozofa pražského jara 1968. Autor neusiluje o vyčerpávající portrét obou těchto osobností, nýbrž o charakteristiku základních kontur jejich řešení dilematu mezi národně partikulárním a revolučně univerzálním, jemuž čelili a s nímž se museli tak či onak vyrovnávat všichni komunističtí a radikálněsocialističtí myslitelé jejich doby. Myšlenkový a tvůrčí vývoj obou osobností je přitom zasazen do širších politických souvislostí doby od konce druhé světové války do pražského jara 1968., a1_In this article the author starts from the notion of ''national road to Socialism'' in its two fundamental meanings - the political-tactical and the theoretical. He seeks to demonstrate, usig the Czech example, the complicated dynamic development of the central themes of the ''ideological whirlwinds'' of the twentieth century which are concentrated in the terms ''revolution'' and ''national emancipation''. To this end he focuses on two important Czech Communist political thinkers and activists - the historian, musicologist, and minister in post-war Czechoslovak governments, Zdeněk Nejedlý (1878-1962), and the philosopher and essayist KIarel Kosík (1926-2003) - each of whom, with regard to their generation and their lives in general, represents a different Czech radical left-wing intellectual approach to the challenges of his times. Each man, in his own distinctive way, sought to formulate the prerequisites and conceptual framework of the Czechoslovak, or Czech "national road" to Socialism, but also to warn about pirfalls. With his early post-Second World War conception of Czechoslovak Communists as the heirs of progressive national traditions, Nejedlý sought to show how the legacy of the Hussite revolution of the fifteenth century and the National Awakening of the nineteenth century was currently relevant to Communist policy. Indeed, on the whole he succeeded in linking it with Communist Party efforts to achieve the historical legitimation of their government and thus create the official framework of the interpretation of Czech history which remained authoritatively valid throughout the 1950s., a2_Kosík, by contrast, first attempted, from radically left-wing positions, to work out alternative, implicitly polemical conceptions of national revolutionary continuity, which sought inspiration amongst Czech radical democrats and their revolutionary expression in 1848, and he thus became, from the late 1950s, one of the chief representatives of Marxist revisionism in Czechoslovakia, a philosopher-critic of Stalinism and the dehumanization of modern man and woman under the pressure of abstract ideologies and the apparatus of power and the bureaucracy, eventually earning the reputation of the philosopher of the Prague Spring of 1968. The author does not seek to portray these two figures exhaustively, instead, his aim is to provide the basic contours of how each tried to solve the dilemma between tne nationally particular and the revolutionarily universal, which all Communist and radical Socialist thinkers of their time faced and somehow had to come to terms with. The author sets the intellectual and creative development of these two figures into the wider political context from the end of the Second World War to the Prague Spring., Michal Kopeček., and Obsahuje bibliografii a bibliografické odkazy
Worker´s colony Karlov was built by Škoda Works in 1913 to accomodate the growing number of its employees. Attached to the factory´s walls and thus spatially segregated from the rest of the city, inhabitants of Karlov built a retively close-knit neighbourhood community with a strong place-based identity. Based on the analysis of archival material and data from interviews with its former inhabitants, we follow Karlov´s voyage from capitalism to state-socialism at the levels of both macro-structural forces and it´s inhabitants experience of everyday life.
Perceiving work competition as a strategic practice of a selected social system the author of the article examines the relationship between work competition and (public) holidays in the period of the first five-year economic plat of the Socialist Federal Rebublic of Yugoslavia (1947-1952). This relationship was mutual and similarly as in other socialist countries centrally planned as well as directed: holidays helped spreading the idea of competitive way of working as well as they helped structuring (working) time. On the other hand work competition helped rooting the new system of public holidays as well as it also structured and shaped holidays.
In the post-war years, the German Democratic Republic competed against the Federal Republic of Germany for providing a new beginning in Nazi-Germany. Thus, the ruling Socialist Unity Party started a broad campaign to acknowledge the new order as a prerequisite of Heimat. An emotional regime forms the backdrop to the theory of socialist Heimat, in which the people loves the state, the party and its neighbours. This paper examines the ideology of a socialist Heimat and the emotional regime, which used the political leaders of the country to direct the patriotic feelings of their inhabitants towards socialism. At the end, this essay additionally offers some remarks on the impact of this process and focuses on how Heimat became a special notion in the GDR with particular aspects.
Autorka se zabývá invertovaným obrazem sovětského fenoménu "nového člověka" v Platonovových románech Čevengur a Kotlovan. Odklony od normy sleduje v rámci vybraných základních atributů "nového člověka" (antiindividualismus, organizovanost, racionalita, potlačení tělesnosti a další). Autorka dospívá k závěru, že převrácení neprobíhá u Platonova vždy na úrovni negace, nýbrž spíše prostřednictvím problematizace ideologických principů, jejich zkosené, někdy travestijní interpretace. Takový způsob literárního zpracování velmi napomáhá porozumění samotnému konceptu "nového člověka". and The authoress deals with an inverted image of the Soviet phenomenon of the "New Man" in Platonov's novels Cevengur and Kotlovan. She keeps under review departures from the norm within the frame of selected fundamental attributes of the "New Man" (anti-individualism, organization, rationality, suppression of materiality and other). The authoress comes to the conclusion that the inversion does not run, according to Platonov's presentation, on negative level, but rather by means of problematization of ideological principles, their shifted, sometimes travesty interpretation. Such a method of literary treatment helps understanding the concept of the "New Man".