This study on Alois Klar (1763-1833) focuses mainly on his achievements as a pedagogue and his work for the visually impaired. Methodologically, it draws on Theodor Adorno, Max Horkheimer and Michel Foucault, enabling us to view the evolution of social care as a concomitant of the emerging modern state and integral to its structure. The study presents an analysis of the beginnings of Klar’s Prague institute for the visually impaired against a background of rapid changes in medicine, the scope of the state, and educational thinking. At a time of compulsory school attendance and new approaches to education, when the state demanded the active participation of its subjects/citizens in propagating its aims and the values of society as a whole, the blind and partially sighted were given access to a full and systematic education. We also present data concerning Klar’s educational work and thinking (he taught in Litoměřice and at Prague University), and examine the internal workings of the newly established institute - one of the first of its kind in Europe - and its contacts with the medical discourse of the emerging science of ophthalmology., Marek Fapšo., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
The aim of this paper is to point out that the growing need for well‐educated citizens in the increasingly bureaucratized 18th Century, in itself a wellknown phenomenon, should be seen in a wider context. First, we must consider how it relates to the gradual emergence of the modern European nationstate; and secondly, to the cultural and political consequences of social stratification. In nations with a cohesive social structure and, in some cases, a tradition of statehood, the growing numbers and importance of the new intelligentsia were primarily the result of an expansion of existing elites drawing on their own social class. In emerging nations formed largely through nationalist movements, on the other hand, the process was accompanied by the upward mobility of young men from the middle and lower middle classes. In some nations, such as the Czechs and the Finns, these were often the sons of petit bourgeois and artisan families; but in the majority of cases the emergent national intelligentsia found its recruits chiefly among farmers and the rural population as a whole (Lithuania, Estonia). Understandably, this distinction led to differences in the formation of national stereotypes, political cultures and attitudes to social organization. The use of the term "plebeian intelligentsia" in this context is meant as a typological characteristic rather than a pejorative label., Miroslav Hroch., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
In late 1980s – early 1990s part of local intelligentsia in Palesse region of Belarus (that is, South-Western part of the Republic of Belarus, which is also referred in English academic literature as Polesia, Polesie, Polesje and Polissya) propagated the idea of existence of independent East-Slavonic Poleshuk nationality different from neighboring Ukrainians and Belarusians. Trying to shape a new Poleshuk identity and spread it among the local population, Poleshuk identity-makers developed a wide range of activities. Alongside with the creation of Poleshuk literary language, reinterpretation of history became one of the most essential tools used by representatives of the local intelligentsia in their identity-building efforts. Poleshuk history-makers readdressed and reinterpreted the whole range of key events in the mediaeval, modern and contemporary history of Palesse tailoring them to their current ideological needs and using historical material for legitimizing alleged Poleshuk distinctiveness from their Ukrainian and Belarusian surroundings. Alternative model of history elaborated by Poleshuk ideologists often contradicted to traditional clichés of both Soviet historiography and national historiographies of independent Belarus and Ukraine and was not easily accessible for the general public.