Chromosome numbers are given for 16 taxa (and one interspecific hybrid) of Hieracium subgen. Pilosella originating from Central Europe: H. apatelium Nägeli et Peter (2n = 45), H. aurantiacum L. (2n = 36), H. bauhini Besser (2n = 36, 45, 54), H. brachiatum Bertol. ex DC. (2n = 45, 48, 63, 72), H. densiflorum Tausch (2n = 36), H. echioides Lumn. (2n = 18, 27, 36), H. floribundum Wimm. et Grab. (2n = 36, 45), H. glomeratum Froel. (2n = 36, 45), H. guthnickianum Hegetschw. (2n = 54), H. lactucella Wallr. (2n = 18), H. onegense (Norrl.) Norrl. (2n = 18), H. pilosella L. (2n = 36, 45, 54), H. piloselliflorum Nägeli et Peter (2n = 36, 45), H. piloselloides Vill. (2n = 36), H. rothianum Wallr. (2n = 36), H. schultesii F. W. Schultz (2n = 45), and the hybrid H. floribundum × H. aurantiacum (2n = 36). New chromosome numbers are reported for H. brachiatum and H. floribundum. The octoploid cytotype (2n = 72), recorded in H. brachiatum, is the highest ploidy level ever found in plants from the subgen. Pilosella originating from the field. Aneuploidy, rare in this subgenus in Europe, occurs in this hybridogenous species as well: it was recorded in one plant (2n = 48) collected in a hybrid swarm H. pilosella × H. bauhini. The breeding system in H. bauhini, H. brachiatum, H. densiflorum, H. echioides, H. pilosella, H. piloselloides, and H. rothianum was studied. The sexual reproduction of pentaploid H. pilosella is a new observation: it means an increase of diversity in possible reproduction modes of those cytotypes having odd chromosome numbers.
Chromosome numbers (ploidy levels) were recorded in the following 25 taxa of Hieracium subgen. Pilosella: H. arvicola Nägeli et Peter (2n = 45), H. aurantiacum L. (2n = 36, 45), H. bauhini Besser (2n = 36, 45), H. bifurcum M. Bieb. (2n = 45), H. brachiatum Bertol. ex DC. (2n = 36, 45), H. caespitosum Dumort. (2n = 36), H. cymosum L. (2n ~ 4x), H. densiflorum Tausch (2n = 36, ~ 4x), H. echioides Lumn. (2n = 18, 45), H. fallacinum F. W. Schultz (2n = 36, 45), H. floribundum Wimm. et Grab. (2n = 36, ~ 4x, 45,), H. glomeratum Froel. in DC. (2n = 45), H. iseranum Uechtr. (2n = 36), H. kalksburgense Wiesb. (2n ~ 5x), H. lactucella Wallr. (2n = 18), H. macranthum (Ten.) Ten. (2n = 18), H. onegense (Norrl.) Norrl. (2n = 18), H. pilosella L. (2n = 36, 45, 54), H. piloselliflorum Nägeli et Peter (2n = 45), H. pilosellinum F. W. Schultz (2n = 36, 45), H. piloselloides Vill. (2n = 27, 36, ~ 4x, 45, ~ 5x), H. pistoriense Nägeli et Peter (2n = 27), H. rothianum Wallr. (2n ~ 3x), H. schultesii F. W. Schultz (2n = 36, 45, ~ 5x), H. zizianum Tausch (2n = 27, 36, 54), and one hybrid, H. onegense × H. pilosella (2n = 36). Besides chromosome counts in root-tip meristems, flow cytometry was used to determine the DNA ploidy level in 83 samples of 9 species. The presence of a long marker chromosome was confirmed in tetraploid H. caespitosum and H. iseranum, in pentaploid H. glomeratum, and in both tetraploid and pentaploid H. floribundum. The documented mode of reproduction is sexual (H. densiflorum, H. echioides, H. piloselloides) and apomictic (H. brachiatum, H. floribundum, H. pilosellinum, H. piloselloides, H. rothianum, H. zizianum). Hieracium bifurcum and H. pistoriense are sterile. The chromosome number and/or mode of reproduction of H. bifurcum (almost sterile pentaploid), H. pilosellinum (apomictic pentaploid), H. piloselloides (apomictic triploid), H. pistoriense (sterile triploid), H. rothianum (apomictic triploid) and H. zizianum (apomictic triploid) are presented here for the first time. The sexual reproduction recorded in the pentaploid H. echioides is the second recorded case of this mode of reproduction in a pentaploid cytotype of Hieracium subgenus Pilosella. A previously unknown occurrence of H. pistoriense (H. macranthum – H. bauhini) in Slovakia is reported.
Chromosome numbers of 23 species (including subspecies) of Hieracium s. str. from the Western Carpathians are presented. First chromosome numbers are reported for Hieracium kuekenthalianum (= H. tephrosoma, 2n = 36), H. praecurrens (2n = 27) and H. virgicaule (2n = 27); first counts from the Western Carpathians are given for H. atratum (2n = 27), H. bifidum (2n = 27, 36), H. carpathicum (2n = 36), H. inuloides (2n = 27), H. jurassicum (2n = 27), H. macilentum (= H. epimedium, 2n = 27), H. nigritum (2n = 36), H. pilosum (= H. morisianum, 2n = 27) and H. silesiacum (2n = 36). New ploidy level (tetraploid, 2n = 36) is reported for H. bupleuroides, hitherto published counts refer only to triploids (2n = 27). Previously published chromosome numbers were confirmed for several other species, i.e. H. alpinum (s.str., 2n = 27), H. bupleuroides (2n = 27), H. crassipedipilum (H. fritzei group, 2n = 27, 36), H. lachenalii (2n = 27), H. murorum (2n = 27), H. prenanthoides (2n = 27), H. racemosum (2n = 27), H. sabaudum (2n = 27), H. slovacum (H. fritzei group, 2n = 36), and H. umbellatum (2n = 18). Triploids and tetraploids predominate, diploids (2n = 18) were found in H. umbellatum. A comprehensive list of previously published chromosome numbers in Hieracium s. str. from the Western Carpathians is provided.
Community gardening has become a new phenomenon in Slovakia. The evolution of community gardens has been enhanced thanks to the various motivations of the people involved: to grow and share fresh and healthy vegetables in unused urban spaces adjacent to their homes, to build a sense of community and strengthen social relations, to use and cultivate vacant urban space and to contribute to a more sustainable urban environment. This paper discusses the case of community gardening in the medium-sized city of Banská Bystrica in Slovakia. It analyses the growing popularity of community gardening as a result of the emergence of grassroots activism, a sign indicating the development of civil society. Using an ethnographic approach of participant observation and interviews, this paper also looks at community gardening as a non-political collective action addressing broader global issues.
After the accession of several Central and Eastern European countries to the European Union in 2004, new challenges arose for their highest judicial institutions to define and shape the relationship between the national and European legal order. This paper assesses the first decade of the effort of the Slovak Constitutional Court (SCC) in interpreting the relationship between domestic and EU law via applying the concept of constitutional pluralism which presumes a specific relationship between the legal orders characterized by their heterarchical structure, mutual interaction and cooperation rather than of a hierarchical, monistic structure, governed by clash over dominance. Answering the research question how the SCC has positioned itself vis-à-vis the constitutional monism v. pluralism dilemma can offer an insight on the general relationship between domestic and EU law in Slovakia. By analysing statutory law, selected judgments and reviewing secondary literature, the paper argues that the SCC seems to have chosen the monistic, hierarchical approach to the relationship, having rejected constitutional pluralism. At the same time, this position is not articulated clearly enough due to the veil of secrecy that to some extent still prevails over the SCC’s doctrinal attitudes to EU law. The findings of the paper, which combines conceptual analysis of constitutional pluralism with review of relevant legal provisions and case law, demonstrate the need for a more active and straightforward approach of the SCC when dealing with the challenges of EU law., Max Steuer., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
Dle recenze se autor přidržuje svědomitého archivního výzkumu a snaží se věcně a uceleně zmapovat zrod, činnost a zánik největší nekomunistické strany poválečného Československa. Rekapituluje známá fakta, ale také přináší četné nové poznatky, čtenáři by však asi přivítali méně popisný a živější jazyk. and [autor recenze] Jaroslav Rokovský.
This article presents a case study of the Slovak feminist organisation ASPEKT, the oldest and one of the most significant advocates of gender equality in the region. While challenging the theoretical presumption that new media and digital technologies are detaching us from our historical and socio-political context and thereby leading to greater homogenisation, it focuses on the way in which the organisation approaches and makes sense of these new platforms and tools in relation to their specific history and political beliefs. It elaborate on topics such as the tension between the effort to remain creative and independent in times of increasing bureaucratisation of funding opportunities, or making full use of the potential of new online platforms yet staying true to one’s original standards and values. It aims to highlight the following: That even though digital technologies are a global phenomenon which – organisationally and symbolically speaking – transcend time and space, the way we approach digital technologies and new media, the meaning and potential we ascribe to them, is culturally and historically specific.
Recenzent poměrně obšírně seznamuje s dosud posledním svazkem reprezentativních Slovenských dějin, věnovaných prvnímu slovenskému státu v letech druhé světové války. Přibližuje zejména kapitoly pojednávající o prehistorii slovenské samostatnosti po zániku první Československé republiky na podzim 1938, o politickém zřízení a životě v novém státě, o jeho zahraniční politice, o represích a protifašistickém odboji na Slovensku. Všímá si přitom hodnocení slovenského prezidenta Jozefa Tisa (1887-1947) a československého prezidenta v exilu Edvarda Beneše (1884-1948), které vyznívá lépe pro slovenského politika, po válce odsouzeného k smrti. Přesto pokládá Letzovu knihu za jednu z nejkomplexnějších, nejvyváženějších a nejlepších monografií o slovenských dějinách v době druhé světové války., The reviewer offers a considerably wide-ranging discussion of the latest volume of a high-quality history of Slovakia. The volume is devoted to the first Slovak State, which existed almost solely in the years of the Second World War. He discusses in particular the chapters on the history leading up to Slovak independence after the demise of the first Czechoslovak Republic in autumn 1938, the political system, and life in the new state, its foreign policy, acts of repression, and the anti-Fascist resistance in Slovakia. He also notes the assessments made here of the Slovak President Jozef Tiso (1887-1947) and the Czechoslovak President in exile, Edvard Beneš (1884-1948), which cast the Slovak politician, who was sentenced to death after the war, in a better light than his Czechoslovak counterpart. None the less, the reviewer considers Letz’s book to be one of the most comprehensive and balanced monographs, indeed, simply one of the best, on Slovak history during the Second World War., [autor recenze] Marek Šmíd., and Obsahuje bibliografii
Autor provádí shrnující komparaci disentu v Československu a Německé demokratické republice v sedmdesátých a osmdesátých letech minulého století, poukazuje na jeho afinity a odlišnosti v obou zemích a nabízí jejich zdůvodnění. Upozorňuje na asymetrie srovnávaných případů, které se týkají rozsahu a povahy pramenného materiálu, stavu a dosažených výsledků historického bádání a užívané terminologie, a upřesňuje pojem disentu, s nímž pracuje. Konstatuje, že disent v českých zemích, zrozený z porážky pražského jara 1968, se diferencoval do reformněkomunistického, křesťanského, liberálního, kulturního a sublkulturního proudu, přičemž tato pluralita byla propojena a zastřešena založením Charty 77 a posléze se rozvíjela i do dalších občanských iniciativ. Na Slovensku, kde Charta 77 nezakotvila, se disent profiloval nábožensky, národně a od poloviny osmdesátých let ekologicky. V NDR zaznívaly v sedmdesátých letech ojedinělé hlasy marxistického disentu a socialistická orientace byla vlastní i nezávislým občanským iniciativám vzniklým v osmdesátých letech, které se vyvíjely v podobě mírového hnutí na půdě evangelické církve. Východoněmecký disent se narozdíl od českého a slovenského vyznačoval relativní generační a ideovou homogenitou, nedisponoval mezinárodně uznávanými intelektuálními autoritami symbolizujícími občanský protest, byl jen slabě programově zakotven a svou legitimizaci neodvozoval z diskurzu lidských práv, ale rétoriky antimilitarismu. Pro odlišnou povahu disentu v NDR byly klíčovými faktory paralelní existence Spolkové republiky a z toho plynoucí masový rozsah emigrace, rozdílné postavení církví a vztah k národní tradici zatížený nacistickým dědictvím, jenž neumožnil názorovou konfrontaci o dějinách, jako tomu bylo v Československu., b1_In this article the author has undertaken a summarizing comparison of dissidents and dissent in Czechoslovakia and East Germany in the 1970s and 1980s, pointing out their similarities and differences, which he endeavours to explain. He points out the asymmetry of the cases he compares, which stems from the nature and scope of the source material, the current state of historical research, and the results that have been achieved, as well as the terminology used. He also offers a more precise definition of dissent and dissidents, which he then employs. He also reminds his reader how dissent and dissidents in the Bohemian Lands, which arose after the defeat of the 1968 Prague Spring reform movement, separated into Reform- -Communist, Christian, liberal, cultural, and sub-culture branches. This pluralism was linked together by the establishment of an umbrella organization, Charter 77, eventually also developing into other groups (občanské iniciativy) of Czechoslovak citizens seeking to act independently of Party and State control. In Slovakia, where Charter 77 never really took root, dissent was expressed in religious, national, and, from the mid-1980s, environmentalist terms. In East Germany in the 1970s, voices of Marxist dissent were sporadically heard and the socialist orientation was also particular to the independent alternative movements (Bürgerinitiative) that emerged in the 1980s and developed as a peace movement in the Protestant Church. East German dissent and dissidents, unlike Czech and Slovak, were characterized by some generational and ideological homogeneity. They did not have at their disposal internationally recognized intellectual authorities who would symbolize civil protest. And they lacked a programme that would help them to put down roots. They derived their legitimacy from the rhetoric of antimilitarism rather than from human-rights discourse., b2_ Of key importance to the different nature of the dissident movement in East Germany were the existence of another German state next door and, related to that, the massive defection to West Germany, the different status of the churches, and the attitude towards a national tradition burdened with the legacy of Nazism, which, unlike in Czechoslovakia, severely hampered the expression of different points of view about the past., and Jan Pauer.