This paper compares and contrasts two of the few radical political artistic groups of late socialism in Hungary. Through an analysis of the Orfeo and Inconnu groups we highlight their patterns of politicization and de-politicization to show that the critique of existing socialism was not free floating but was embedded in social structures. By going against the current of individualizing and moralizing artistic biographies, we give a historical materialist account of the two groups. Firstly, the paper shows how the anti-systemic mobilization of the two groups was conditioned by changes in Hungary’s world-economic integration and the subsequent restructuration of its field of cultural production. Secondly, it analyzes the tension between two groups’ critique of the oppressive nature of state-socialism and their politics of everyday life, by paying special attention to their uneven gender-relations. The analysis places the political ideas of the two groups not only in the changing landscape of late-socialist dissent, but we link them to class positions and social biographies. The article also highlights how radical, left-leaning criticisms of the state-socialist regime were co-opted into the competing liberal and nationalist cultural-political-economic complexes of the post-socialist order, and how the ways of incorporation were the products of individual but socially situated biographies of the intellectual actors. By combining class analysis and comparative historical research with a sociology of culture and intellectuals, this article draws attention to the role of determinate and contingent historical processes in the formation of anti-systemic mobilizations in late-socialist Hungary.
Štúdia sa venuje vývoju štruktúry a judikatúry maďarského ústavného súdu v období od demokratickej tranzície až po súčasnosť. Jej prvá časť sa sústreďuje na prezentáciu modelu nominácie a výberu sudcov ústavného súdu v Maďarsku. Nasledujúca časť článku sa zaoberá aktuálnymi teoretickými a praktickými dilemami maďarského ústavného súdu, a to konkrétne vzťahu medzi normami medzinárodného, supranacionálneho a národného práva v novej judikatúre, potom problematikou výdobytkov
historickej ústavy a miestom starších rozhodnutí ústavného súdu v súčasnom právnom poriadku
v Maďarsku. and The paper focuses on the development of the structure and judgments of the Hungarian Constitutional Court between the period of democratic transition and present days. First part of paper concentrates on the model of selection and nomination of constitutional judges in Hungary. The following parts of the article deal with the current theoretical and practical dilemmas of the Hungarian Constitutional Court. Namely it focuses on the relationship between the international, supranational and national legal orders in the new judgements and the problem of achivements of the historical constitution and with the position of the old judgements of constitutional court in the current legal situation in Hungary.
The article deals with the numerical solution of transitional flows. The single-point k-kL-ω model of [7] based on the use of a laminar kinetic energy transport equation is considered. The model doesn‘t require to evaluate integral boundary layer parameters (e.g. boundary layer thickness) and is therefore suitable for implementation into codes working with general unstructured meshes. The performance of the model has been tested for the case of flows over a flat plate with zero and non-zero pressure gradients. The results obtained with our implementation of the model are compared to the experimental data of ERCOFTAC. and Obsahuje seznam literatury
This paper argues whether the Czech Constitutional Court should be the example of Activism, and whether the Japanese Supreme Court should be characterised as the example of Restraint in the context of constitutional justice. For instance, the former has declared numerous laws unconstitutional in the past two decades, while the latter has declared only a limited number unconstitutional in the past 68 years. We will examine the appropriateness of these characterisations by comparing and contrasting their brief histories, competences, and the nomination processes and precedents, in order to discuss their roles in the transitional period towards the new constitutionalism, paying specific attention to the extent politicisation has impacted each Courts.
It is argued in the article that the peaceful transition to capitalism in communist countries was not possible without the co-action of the nomenklatura, whose interest was to transform their informal access to state-owned capital into an authentic 'grand entrepreneurship'. The necessary acquisition of physical cap ital was achieved by means of mass privatisation schemes in which the nomenklatura took advantage of their social capital and information asymmetries. In the Czech case, there were three social groups competing for a position among the new entrepreneurial elite. The initially large gains of the nomenklatura gradually eroded when new businesses opened to domestic and international competition, where competitiveness depended on endowments of human (entrepreneurial) and economic capital. In the subsequent wave of ownership restructuring, initiated after 1994, the former nomenklatura was partially squeezed out of the tradable sector, which was occupied by better skilled foreign and domestic entrepreneurs. The exiting entrepreneurs converted their holdings into consumer goods, or defected to sectors less open to competition, where the alignment of social capital and bureaucracy persisted. Their position depends now on the pending reforms of public administration and the search for a more efficient social model.