Military conflicts throughout history have had certain inevitable components, such as warring armies, commands, technology, armaments, tactics, winners, and losers. The fact remains, however, that these components are not the only pieces in the mosaic of war — and especially not within Balkan history. In late medieval times, Ottoman armies were marching to the sound of bands known as mehterân (in modern Turkish Mehter bölüğü), known in the West as Janissary bands, with a unit of Janissaries forming their core. What transformations did military music see during the bloody Yugoslav conflict at the end of the 20th century? This conflict was a terrifying combination of a government's failure to achieve its objectives with historical antagonism — presented in myths and emotions — that culminated in an aggressive battle for territory. Socialist Yugoslavia had been a military state, with the JNA present in everyday life to constantly remind citizens of the great success of World War II. Military propaganda thus had fertile ground to dominate the minds of many young people, who then were swept away by war fever. Military songs play a threefold role in the context of military conflict: concretely motivational, communicational, and psychological. In the armies of each Yugoslavian faction, military music had all three given aspects. This paper's main task is to present a basic categorization of military music in 1991 through 1995 (on the basis of nationality, religion, territorial affiliation, scope, target audience, and character singer/group) and an analysis of recurring national myths. Existing research implies that each side had a specific style of expression. Serbia's music was the most strongly linked with historical context, history, and national myth (Rodoljub Vulović pseud. Roki, Miroslav Pržulj pseud. Lepi, Mica Mirko Pajčin pseud. Baja Mali Knindža), the Bosnian approach was the most progressive one (e.g. Dino Merlin, Mladen Vojičić, Tifa), and Croatia’s music was to some extent a combination of the two preceding, but with an emphasis on the traditional family (e.g. Marko Perkovic Thompson, Miroslav Škoro). It is a great tragedy that similar texts are sung today in Syria, Ukraine, and Kurdistan. In this context, the topic of military music remains very significant. and Juhoslovanský konflikt bol hrôzostrašnou kombináciou neschopnosti vlády dosiahnuť stanovené ciele a historickým antagonizmom prezentovaným v mýtoch a emóciách, ktoré vrcholili v agresívnom boji o teritórium. Socialistická Juhoslávia bola vojenským štátom a JNA bola súčasťou bežného života neustále pripomínajúca obrovský úspech z čias 2. svetovej vojny. Vojenská propaganda mala živnú pôdu ovládnuť mysle mnohých mladých ľudí ktorých zachvátilo vojnové šialenstvo. Vojenské piesne predstavujú trojakú úlohu v kontexte vojenského konfliktu a to – motivačnú, komunikačnú a psychologickú. V armádach všetkých zúčastnených bojujúcich frakcií spĺňala vojenská hudba všetky tri dané aspekty. Hlavnou úlohou tohto príspevku je poukázať na základnú kategorizáciu vojenskej hudobnej tvorby v r. 1991–1995 (na základe národnosti, viery, teritoriálnej príslušnosti, pôsobnosti, cieľovej skupiny, straníckosti, charakteru speváka/skupiny) a analýzu opakujúcich sa národných mýtov. Z doterajšieho výskumu vyplýva, že každá strana je výrazne špecifická – najsilnejšie spätá s historickým kontextom, dejinami a národný mýtom bola srbská (Rodoljub Vulović, pseud. Roki, Miroslav Pržulj, pseud. Lepi Mića, Mirko Pajčin, pseud. Baja Mali Knindža), progresívnou bosenská /napr. Dino Merlin /1962/, Mladen Vojičić, Tifa /1960/) a chorvátska do istej miery predstavuje kombináciu oboch predošlých s dôrazom na tradičnú rodinu (napr. Marko Perković Thompson /1966/, Miroslav Škoro /1962/). Je obrovskou tragédiou, že podobné texty sú dnes spievané v Sýrii, Ukrajine či Kurdistane. V tejto súvislosti je téma vojenskej piesne stále mimoriadne aktuálna.