This article examines the thoughts of Ali Abd al-Raziq, an important Egyptian scholar and author of a book called Islam and the Bases of Rule (al-Islam wa Usul al-Hukm), published in 1925. In this work, Abd al-Raziq presented fundamental arguments in support of the separation of religion and politics, which were fully supported by a very original analysis of Islam's holy text, the Quran, as well as by the historical situation of the Muslim community at the time of the Prophet Muhammad. Although the publication of this book caused a great scandal in Egypt, with its author being forced to withdraw from Egyptian public life for quite a long period of time, the arguments contained in the book represent an important contribution to the debates about the desirable degree of linkage between Islam and politics in the Muslim world., Jan Kondrys., and Obsahuje bibliografii
Secularism and state policies toward religion represent one of the most important issues in Turkey aver since the establishment of the republic in 1923. This contribution briefly summarizes the interpretation of secularism a la turca under the Kemalist leadership and highlights the significant changes that have happened in this area under the AKP government of Prime Minister Recep Tayip Endogan after 2002. The AKP's attempts to introduce Islam-based morality into public space waswelcomed by various religious communities while diminished pressure from the state authorities allowed religiously oriented Turkish movements to act more freely. With the AKP's consolidation of power, the Hizmet movement of Fethullah Gülen finally forged a closer alliance with Ergodan's government and so became an important source of political and economic support both in Turkey and abroad. THe article also shows that the "moderate" secularism as experienced under the current government relaxed the pressure on vocational schools for imams and preachers and transformed the understanding of the state Sunni-Muslim "Church" organization (Diyanet) in the eyes of former hard-line Islamists. Secular circles, however, reject these developments and new trends as signs of continuous Islamization., Gabriel Pirický., and Obsahuje bibliografii
The Oromo nationalism becomes one of the most sensitive issues within Ethiopian studies or those groups of social scientists dealing with socio-political development of contemporary Ethiopia. On one hand, especially Oromo authors from the diaspora are very active in redefining and reinventing of Ethiopia’s history, on the other hand, mainly Western social scientist tend to analyze Ethiopia’s “ethnic problem” in broader perspectives. The aim of this study is to present some arguments which modify perceptions on the Oromio nationalism as a homogeneous movement heading to independent Oromia. According to my own fieldwork and by studying contemporary scholarly works I came to a conclusion that there are many strategies within Ethiopia which the Oromo people use in order to co-exist with other ethnic groups in Ethiopia and that the will to secede is rather minor phenomenon. Reasons can be found in a complex nature of the Oromo society where many other variables besides ethnicity come into discussion with religion being probably the most important one. That is why I have used examples from both Muslim Oromos as well as Christian Oromos to support my arguments.
The Oromo nationalism becomes one of the most sensitive issues within Ethiopian studies or those groups of social scientists dealing with socio-political development of contemporary Ethiopia. On one hand, especially Oromo authors from the diaspora are very active in redefining and reinventing of Ethiopia’s history, on the other hand, mainly Western social scientist tend to analyze Ethiopia’s “ethnic problem” in broader perspectives. The aim of this study is to present some arguments which modify perceptions on the Oromio nationalism as a homogeneous movement heading to independent Oromia. According to my own fieldwork and by studying contemporary scholarly works I came to a conclusion that there are many strategies within Ethiopia which the Oromo people use in order to co-exist with other ethnic groups in Ethiopia and that the will to secede is rather minor phenomenon. Reasons can be found in a complex nature of the Oromo society where many other variables besides ethnicity come into discussion with religion being probably the most important one. That is why I have used examples from both Muslim Oromos as well as Christian Oromos to support my arguments.
Bertrandon de la Broquière, the spy of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, underwent a long pilgrimage in the Holy Land and Turkey during 1432-1433. In his declining years, in the 1450s, he wrote an account of his travels in the genre of an adventurous memoir entitled Le Voyage d’outre-mer (The Overseas Voyage). His primary task was to follow in the footsteps of his predecessor in espionage Guillebert de Lannoy and gather information that could be used in the next crusade and liberation of Jerusalem. However, he had set a different personal goal for himself: to gather information about the life and faith of the Osman Turks. The unusual nature of Bertrandon’s memoirs accommodated the shift from his original objective. The Overseas Voyage was not intended as a mere handbook for future crusaders and pilgrims; it was also designed to serve as a tool for understanding the “other” world. and Martin Nejedlý.
The article examines the phenomenon that occurs in three monotheistic religions - Judaism, Christianity and Islam - and which has been constantly referred to in the European tradition under the Greco-Latin term, Exodus. The Islamic variant of it (in Arabic, hijra - emigration, or originally and more precisely, cutting kin and tribal (ties) is briefly defined and put into the broader historical context. At the same time the article comprises partial information and critical remarks on the state of the research in relation to the issue of Islamic hijra, including a list of bibliographic data, based on the collection of relatively representative samples of sources and studies. The contribution also includes a preliminary survey of typified cases of hijra-style events n the course of the history of Islamic countries, as well as a concrete example of how this "archaic" religious pattern functions, if utilized as an ideological framework of a particular politcal process. The relevance of the phenomenon for modern and contemporary history is demonstrated through reference to the sedentarization of Bedouin tribes during the Ikhwan movement in the Arabian peninsula (1912-30).
This article deals with different interpretations of Salafism. Salafism is most commonly identified with two periods: the classical medieval Salafism associated with the 14th-century scholar Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328), and the Salafism of the 18th-century movements of revival and reform. classical Salafism emerged as theologic and juridical movement in Sunni Islam. however, Ibn Taymiyya influenced modern Salafis by two differents ways. Some strictly followed his traditionalist theology based on Koran and hadith literature and - to some extent - even his call for ijtihad, while others were not strictly following his teachings. These later mentioned were not traditionalist (ahl al-hadith) but rather modernists, who inclined deliberately to more racional interpretation. That is why later Salafis, despite their common use of the term Salafi, represented two movements that were in fact very different. nowadays, only traditionalist Salafism is of significance, being part of Globa Islam., Pavel Ťupek., and Obsahuje bibliografii
The article deals with the ideas of afterlife belonging to the individual eschatology of the Islamic tradition, the moment of death, the meaning and specific forms of ritual cleansing of a deceased Muslim. Furthermore, space is also given to the specific
significance of funeral prayers, the burial itself and rituals accompanying or immediately following the burial. Customs
and ceremonies pertaining to the moment of death and subsequent rituals associated with the burial are limited to the Sunni tradition of the Hanafi and Shafi’i rites of Muslims living in Syria and the Czech Republic.
.
In this essay, I reconsider the politics of contemporary philanthropy by navigating between two dominant ideological perspectives on civil society: depoliticization and demonization. I do so with reference to the recent tribulations of three famous magnate-philanthropists, Osman Kavala, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, and George Soros. By revisiting my concept of the “civil society effect” – the romanticizing of civil society as a domain free from instrumental political motivations – I aim to shed light on the broader political terrain of contemporary capitalism, in which private capital is too easily understood as a neutral medium for political transformations. At the same time, I focus on the histories and genealogies that the depoliticization of civil society silences, especially the imperial legacies that opponents of liberal philosophy – new authoritarians such as Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Vladimir Putin and Viktor Orbán – frequently invoke with pugnacity.
The paper traces the establishment and development of dīwān al-awqāf in Egypt in the 19th century. It analyzes two manuscript documents stored in the Egyptian state archive in Cairo. The first one is a regulation of 1837, entitled Lā’ihat tartīb camalīyat al-awqāf bi-l-thughūr wa al-banādir. The second one is Lā’ihat dīwān al-awqāf, which dates back to 1851. The aim of this paper is to present a full edition of both documents and review their content in the context of dīwān’s institutional development. It is demonstrated that the regulation of 1837 is, contrary to earlier assessments, predicative of the dīwān only to a limited extent. Its significance is reassessed within the broad framework of Muhammad cAlī’s waqf policy, which is dealt with at the beginning of the paper. Then the document of 1851 is introduced. It represents, most probably, the very first preserved constitutive document of dīwān alawqāf in 19th century Egypt. The content of the document makes it possible to define the structure of the dīwān and its executive powers. The paper concludes with a survey of the development of dīwān al-awqāf up to 1895, when it evolved into a sophisticated bureau of administration.