This article examines the thoughts of Ali Abd al-Raziq, an important Egyptian scholar and author of a book called Islam and the Bases of Rule (al-Islam wa Usul al-Hukm), published in 1925. In this work, Abd al-Raziq presented fundamental arguments in support of the separation of religion and politics, which were fully supported by a very original analysis of Islam's holy text, the Quran, as well as by the historical situation of the Muslim community at the time of the Prophet Muhammad. Although the publication of this book caused a great scandal in Egypt, with its author being forced to withdraw from Egyptian public life for quite a long period of time, the arguments contained in the book represent an important contribution to the debates about the desirable degree of linkage between Islam and politics in the Muslim world., Jan Kondrys., and Obsahuje bibliografii
Secularism and state policies toward religion represent one of the most important issues in Turkey aver since the establishment of the republic in 1923. This contribution briefly summarizes the interpretation of secularism a la turca under the Kemalist leadership and highlights the significant changes that have happened in this area under the AKP government of Prime Minister Recep Tayip Endogan after 2002. The AKP's attempts to introduce Islam-based morality into public space waswelcomed by various religious communities while diminished pressure from the state authorities allowed religiously oriented Turkish movements to act more freely. With the AKP's consolidation of power, the Hizmet movement of Fethullah Gülen finally forged a closer alliance with Ergodan's government and so became an important source of political and economic support both in Turkey and abroad. THe article also shows that the "moderate" secularism as experienced under the current government relaxed the pressure on vocational schools for imams and preachers and transformed the understanding of the state Sunni-Muslim "Church" organization (Diyanet) in the eyes of former hard-line Islamists. Secular circles, however, reject these developments and new trends as signs of continuous Islamization., Gabriel Pirický., and Obsahuje bibliografii
Náboženské symboly ve veřejném prostoru evropských zemí představují zdroj intenzivní diskuze o povaze jak veřejného prostoru zemí EU, tak zejména o roli lidských práv v multikulturní společnosti založené na liberálních hodnotách.Probíhající spory o podobu právní úpravy přítomnosti náboženských symbolů znovu nastolují otázky, zdánlivě (vy)řešené sekularizací států, o to, jak definovat a aplikovat hranice a roli náboženství v evropských společnostech v době, kdy jsou historicky stanovené hranice znovu zpochybňovány narůstající mírou náboženské rozmanitosti. Robustnější zbožnost mnoha členů komunit přistěhovalců otevírá v řadě evropských států složité otázky, jak definovat hranice mezi právem, společností a vírou. Tento vývoj, zejména pokusy o přeměnu etablované kulturní normy zdrženlivosti ve veřejném vyjadřování víry v právní závazek zdržet se za určitých okolností náboženského vyzná(vá)ní, představuje
pro evropské právo lidských práv zásadní výzvu. and The presence of religious symbols in the public space of European countries represents a source of intense debates about the nature of public space in the EU countries, and especially about the role of human rights in multicultural societies based on liberal values. The ongoing disputes over
the form of legislation on the presence of religious symbols raise questions on how to define and apply the presence of religion in public debates and on the role of religion in European societies. Robust religiosity of many members of immigrant communities in many European countries raises difficult questions about how to define the boundary between law, society and faith. This development, in particular the attempts at re-defining entrenched cultural norms of restraint in the public expression of faith represents a major challenge for European human rights law,.
BACKGROUND: Latitude gradients and secular trends in Europe and North America have been found in the male-female ratio at birth (M/F: male births divided by total births) which approximates 0.515. METHODS: Annual national data for Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslavia States for male and female live births were obtained from the World Health Organisation and analysed with contingency tables. RESULTS: This study analysed 22,020,729 live births. There was a increasing trend in M/F prior to the breakup of the former Yugoslavia (1950-1990, p = 0.002), followed by a decreasing trend after 1990 (p = 0.02). A latitude gradient was also noted, with more males being born in southern, warmer latitudes (p < 0.0001). There was an overall excess of 42,753 male births based on an anticipated M/F of 0.515. CONCLUSION: M/F is decreasing in this region, similar to the rest of Europe and North America. A latitude gradient is also present with more males being born in warmer (more Southern) latitudes (p < 0.0001), even in this small region and over the short time-frame studied. and V. Grech
Comparisons of the recent protests in Turkey to the Arab Spring are met with negative responses among representatives of the Turkish governmnet as well as those criticizing the govemment. The attitudes of political opponents emphasizing the difference between Turkey and the other Middle Eastern countries show the impact of Orientalism on Turkish identity as well as perceptions of Turkey's role as a model for (not only) Middle Eastern Muslim countries., Jitka Malečková., and Obsahuje bibliografii