The study deals with political activities of the Soviet Army in Czechoslovakia after the intervention on August 21, 1968, and its sympathizers from the ranks of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. The authoress examines the topic in the early stage of the so-called normalization (until the spring of 1970), focusing on the local level; however, she sets her research into a broader period context and derives general conclusions from its results. Although the offi cial agreement on the temporary stay of Soviet troops in the territory of Czechoslovakia declared that the Soviet Army should not interfere with domestic affairs of the Czechoslovak state, the Soviet leadership kept devising plans how to make use of the presence of Soviet troops for political purposes. Soviet offi cers participated in the dissemination of Soviet propaganda, established contacts with local anti-reform party offi cials, spoke at their forums, complained about hostile attitudes of Czechoslovak political bodies, and thus kept pressing for a legitimization of the political arrangements. The authoress shows that local pro-Soviet activists, who had maintained contacts with the Soviet Army from the very beginning and been taking over its political agenda, were playing a crucial role in the success of these efforts. In line with Soviet intentions, they were implementing the normalization process ''from below'',initiating purges in various organs, demanding the dismissal of offi cials protesting against presence of the Soviet Army, participating in the subsequent political vetting. They were actively pushing through a change of the offi cial approach to the Soviet Army and helped break its boycott by the Czechoslovak society, which had initially been almost unanimous. In doing so, they were making use of their personal contacts to organize manifestation ''friendship'' meetings and visits of Soviet soldiers to Czechoslovak schools and factories. The authoress analyzes the reasons of the attitude of these activists, most of whom came from the ranks of ''old'' (pre-war) and ''distinguished'' members of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, and illustrates the development outlined above by specifi c examples. By way of conclusion, she notes that, although different forms of the CzechoslovakSoviet ''friendship'' since 1968 are often viewed as mere formalistic acts without any deeper meaning at the level of ''lived'' experience, they were, from the viewpoint of the Soviet policy, well thought-out and centrally planned propagandistic activities which contributed to the promotion of the Soviet interpretation of the Prague Spring and the Soviet invasion and discredited its opponents. and Přeložila Blanka Medková
Using results of extensive research in central and company archives, the author studies the cleansing of industrial plants from collaborationists and so-called anti-social elements in Czechoslovakia in 1945. He describes it as a standard-setting process during which the form of a new revolutionary value system and guilt criteria in relation to the occupation past arising therefrom were negotiated and established in practice in factories and plants. Both escalated nationalism and social egalitarianism, sometimes developing into class antagonism, found their use in it. In addition to acts prosecuted under offi cial legislation, the cleansing process incorporated various minor confl icts of employees during the occupation, in particular disputes between subordinates and superiors. For this reason, mainly top-ranking white collars, human resource offi cers, rate setters, and shop foremen were removed from their positions. The articulation of guilt of the above group also worked as an absolution of others, particularly rank-and-fi le workers and white collars, atthe symbolic and psychological level. The selected guilt criteria were subsequently becoming a part of the legitimization pattern of the ongoing revolution. The study illustrates how company councils, acting through investigation commissions which, nevertheless, had to create their own legal rules as they had no position or status defi ned in offi cial legislation, were trying, since mid-May 1945, to regulate, formalize, and unify initial spontaneous actions of employees. However, the legal uncertainty in factories led to a decline of respect to superiors, deterioration of working morale, and devaluation of expertise. In mid-July 1945, organs of the Revolutionary Trade Union Movement intervened into the cleansing process, as they were interested in improving the performance of the nationalized industry. Appeal chambers were established at regional trade union councils as second-instance bodies deciding disputes submitted by industrial plants. In doing so, they were demanding a higher quality of submitted legal documents and supporting assigning the individuals affected by the cleansing to adequate working positions in the production process. In October 1945, results of the company cleansing process were incorporated, under the pressure of trade unions, into offi cial legislation under the so-called Small Retribution Decree. The resulting legal framework was thus an apparent compromise between pre-war legal conventions and moral criteria established during the May 1945 revolution. and Přeložil Jiří Mareš
In this article we present some of the problems connected with the formation of the First Czechoslovak Republic from the legal point of view. Our aim is to point out that the First Czechoslovak Republic could not arise for the Slovaks on the 28th of October, 1918. Our argumentation is firstly based on the historical discussion (descriptive level) which was held in the past, but at the same time we try to formulate conclusions applicable on other similar cases within nowadays discussion (prescriptive level). In the beginning of the article we analyse the thesis according to which the First Czechoslovak Republic was created on the 28th of October, 1918, while trying to come to terms with the arguments that support this legal fiction. Consequently we analyze the thesis that the First Czechoslovak Republic could not be legally created for the Slovaks on the 28th of October, 1918, because at that time the Czechoslovak Republic did not execute its effective power on the Slovak territory. To support this thesis we use also the stable practice of the Supreme Administration Court. At the end of the article, we try to summarize all the previous arguments and draw the attention to the lack of explanatory power of the legal fiction claiming that the Czechoslovak Republic was created on the 28th of October, 1918., Štefan Siskovič, Miriam Laclavíková., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
The early 20th century found both the Czech and the Indian society undergoing a transition which in many respects bore similar characteristics. Both the Indian and the Czech people were striving to achieve independence and both were looking beyond the borders of their countries to find encouragement and support for their cause. The people of the Czech nation, who had already sought self–determination for quite a long period of time, looked with sympathy on the similar struggle of the Indian people. The newly formed Czechoslovakia was now able to create new economic, cultural and social contacts and (later) political relations. The growing interest in India was most apparent in the Department of Indian Studies of the Charles University, in the Oriental Institute (Prague) established in 1922 and in the Indian Society launched at the Oriental Institute in 1934. The Czech scholars who focused on Indian studies, namely Vincenc Lesný, Otakar Pertold and Moriz Winternitz, among others, spent long periods of time in India, where they made contacts with leading Indian scholars, artists and national leaders. Some Indians who visited Czechoslovakia (Subhas Chandra Bose, Rabindranath Tagore and Jawaharlal Nehru etc.) developed deep sympathy and friendship towards Czechoslovakia and her people, which they especially expressed during the Munich crisis (1938) and in the following years.
The article provides a brief historical review of the origin and development of the optical quantum generator as well as its primary applications in the former Czechoslovakia. After the first Czechoslovak lasers, the paper describes progress in the field of coherent light source use for holographic puposes. The tendency to search the optimus holographic interferometry schemes aimed to surface deformation measurements in experimental mechanics is outlined. Topics such as image plane holography, pused ruby laser holography, ESPI and dual-channel speckle interferometry, hybrid experimental-numerical stress state determination but also problems solution for engineering practice are discussed in the article., Milan Držík., and Obsahuje bibliografii
Nedávno uplynulo čtyřicet let od chvíle, kdy na oběžné dráze začal pracovat Magion, první československá umělá družice Země. Následovaly čtyři další stejnojmenní robotičtí průzkumníci blízkého vesmíru. Započali cestu, která v současné době míří k novým vědeckým přístrojům pro mezinárodní projekty družicového výzkumu okolí Země a pro meziplanetární sondy ke Slunci, k Marsu a k Jupiteru., The first Czechoslovak spacecraft, Magion, started measurements in a low-Earth orbit forty years ago. It was followed by another four robotic explorers of outer space bearing the same name. Magion started a journey, which today leads us to new scientific instruments on board Earth orbiting satellites and also interplatetary probes to the Sun, Mars and Jupiter., Ondřej Santolík., and Obsahuje bibliografické odkazy
The discovery of the ruby laser by Theodore Maiman in Malibu, CA on 16 May 1960, triggered extensive work around the world to make lasers. In the former Czechoslovakia, the first laser was successfully designed, built and operated at the Institute of Physics of the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences in Prague. Karel Pátek (5. 5. 1927 - 25. 11. 1967), a distinguished research scientist working at the Department of Luminescence of the Institute, registered 1.06-μm laser action in an optically-pumped Nd:glass rod on 9 April 1963. Pátek's group studied a variety of different Nd3+ doped glasses using a number of experimental and theoretical techniques and, together with Jaroslav Pantoflíček at Charles University in Prague, obtained some valuable results in this area., První plně funkční protyp laseru byl v našich zemích vyvinut a uveden do provozu v dubnu 1963 ve Fyzikálním ústavu ČSAV díky Karlu Pátkovi (5. 5. 1927 - 25. 11. 1967), významnému badateli v oboru luminiscence pevných látek. V této stati představíme zmíněný laser a seznámíme čtenáře s pozoruhodným životem a dílem jeho konstruktéra., Luděk Vyšín, Libor Juha., and Obsahuje bibliografii
The present article presents the text of a lecture given by Her Serene Highness Maria-Pia, Ambassador of the Principality of Liechtenstein to the Czech Republic, on the occasion of the "Days of Liechtenstein History in the Czech Republic" organized by the Czech-Liechtenstein Commission of Historians on 9 November 2019 at the Moravian Museum, in the Historical Hall of the Dietrichstein Palace in Brno. The lecture dealt with the position of the Principality of Liechtenstein in the contemporary world, including the legal status of Liechtenstein, issues of its involvement and involvement in international institutions, as well as selected issues on Czech-Liechtenstein relations. As the author puts it, Liechtenstein is today a prosperous country that offers its citizens social, economic and political stability. It is a country with a fully functioning labour market, a sustainable and healthy environment, a free space in all respects and with real opportunities for political participation. The text also outlines the basic characteristics of the political, constitutional and economic systems of Liechtenstein. In further sections, she then deals with some historical factors that have led to the current position of Liechtenstein in Europe and in the world. This mainly concerns the beginnings of Liechtenstein statehood, which is traditionally associated with the purchase of the Vaduz and Vaduz counties and Schellenberg territories by the Princely House of Liechtenstein in 1699/1712, but also, the ongoing impact of events from the Second World War. In Liechtenstein at that time there was a relatively strong pro-German group called the "Volksdeutsche Bewegung", but almost 95 percent of the population was in favour of maintaining independence from the Third Reich. Following the year 1945 property of citizens of Liechtenstein was seized in Czechoslovakia, something which is still understood as an unresolved question in Liechtenstein. The motto of Liechtenstein is: For God, Prince and Fatherland! Although this might sound old fashioned, it has become the motto of the success of modern Liechtenstein, a monarchy with strong civil rights. A country in which a prince with vision has successfully sought to persuade the second sovereign, the people, when necessary. A country in which people are aware of their democratic rights, also actively pursuing them and understanding work as the core of their social DNA. A country where the government is ready to take on unpopular issues and to propose solutions that are acceptable to the people. It is not a land of miracles, but is still a successful and modern country in the middle of Europe, worth living in and connected to Europe in every way.
This essay examines, in ten clearly formulated propositions, the causes and the long-term impact of the Munich Agreement of September 1938. This complex theme is approached through not purely national lenses. The term ''betrayal'' as a dominant label of the actions of the two West European democratic powers is thus questioned. The author claims that the British and French unwillingness to go to war because of Czechoslovakia’s border regions is, in the light of previous historical developments, understandable and, in a way, even rational. He also points out certain defi ciencies in the Czechoslovak treatment of its German minority. At the same time, Czechoslovakia’s political leaders were playing a strange game with their people in September 1938, alternately stirring up and moderating their patriotic feelings - depending on where the behind-the-scenes negotiations on Czechoslovak border regions were heading at a given moment. Also the alleged Soviet preparedness to come to Czechoslovakia’s assistance in September 1938 is more than questionable; Stalin intended to intervene only in a European war, not to help lonesome Czechoslovakia. Nonetheless, Munich has had, and unfortunately continues to have, a fundamental infl uence on the Czech ''mental map'' of Europe. The lesson according to which the West should not be trusted and it would therefore be advisable to look for protection and alliance in the East still lives on in minds of a number of Czech politicians and of a not negligible segment of the public. On the other hand, the ''lessons of Munich,'' according to which it is not advisable to make concessions to any aggression or blackmailing, became a part of policies of Western statesmen confronting expansionist dictatorships, and the other life of Munich thus continued to complicate the use of ''negotiations'' as a method of dealing with international crises by Western politicians in the Cold War and beyond. and Přeložil Jiří Mareš