This study has two key aims. First, it explores the two main methods used in the Czech Republic to operationalize the concept of party identification. Second this study demonstrates the merits of both methods; and on the basis of this research proposes one of these party identification measures for use in future studies. This study builds on the classical conceptualization of party identification developed by the Michigan School, but also utilizes (1) reformulations proposed by the Revisionist School; (2) Macropartisanship theory; (3) the Social Identity approach; and (4) experience of using the party identification measure in Europe. Using the Czech Election Study of 2002 this research shows that estimates of partisanship are influenced by how the survey question is formulated. Thereafter, the relationship between the two main variants used in the Czech Republic is presented. This work reveals that use of a (prior) vote intention item leads to an ‘over estimation’ of partisanship when compared to the other partisan measure. Comparing estimates from the Czech Election Studies of 1996, 2002 and 2006 this article reveals that there is no simple association between party identification and voter turnout. In fact, it is better to think of party identification as having two components: (a) probability to vote; and (b) probability to support a party that elicits a sense of identity from voters., Lukáš Linek., and Obsahuje bibliografii a bibliografické odkazy
The aim of this paper is to analyze the social and class inequalities in turnout in the Czech Republic between 1990 and 2010. Thus, the study focuses on a description of the evolution of the relationship between turnout and key characteristics of socio-economic status: education, income and social class. This research utilizes a pooled cross-sectional post-election survey dataset from the Czech Republic fielded over two decades; and employs standard statistical methods, i.e. contingency tables and convergence models, to analyze change in turnout among population subgroups. There are signs of a gradual crystallization of both social and class inequalities in electoral participation. Convergence models reveal a linear increase in educational and class inequalities in turnout. In the case of income, however, this study finds evidence of a crystallization of income based inequalities in participation rather than a growth in inequalities per se., Lukáš Linek., and Obsahuje seznam literatury
Cílem studie je prozkoumat, zda lze tvrzení valenční teorie volebního chování ohledně motivací a důvodů volební účasti potvrdit na základě odpovědí na otevřenou otázku ohledně hlavního důvodu volební neúčasti. Konkrétně byla studována tvrzení, která se týkají konstrukce očekávaného užitku z volební účasti. K prozkoumání výše uvedených tvrzení valenční teorie ohledně motivací volební neúčasti byly využity otevřené otázky z pěti povolebních dotazníkových šetřeních konaných v Česku mezi lety 2004 a 2010. Výsledky ukazují, že nevoliči uvažují v dimenzích, které valenční teorie předpokládá. Ta totiž pro volební účast vyžaduje, aby jedinec očekával užitek z hlasování pro konkrétní stranu; tento užitek může být důsledkem jak pozičních, tak valenčních úvah. Analýza odpovědí na otevřené otázky ukázala, že hlavním důvodem neúčasti je to, že jedinci nenacházejí užitek z hlasování ve volbách a to za řady důvodů: malý význam politiky v jejich životě, jsou přesvědčení, že hlasováním nic neovlivní, nevědí pro koho hlasovat a nedůvěřují politikům., The aim of the study is to explore the valence theory’s account of voter turnout using open-ended questions which measured the main reason given by voters for electoral abstention. The focus was on the claim of the valence theory concerning the respondent’s expected benefit from participating in an election. Data from five post-election studies undertaken between 2004 and 2010 are analysed. The empirical results reveal that electoral abstention is explained by four key factors. Voters and non-voters differ as valence theory suggests because the latter exhibit less interest in politics, less trust in politicians and parties, less knowledge of who to vote for, and a feeling that voting does not change anything. These empirical results are consonant with the predictions made by valence theory and demonstrate that electoral participation is strongly determined by expected benefits., and Lukáš Linek.