In 1935, the Sudeten German Party (SdP), originally founded as
Sudeten German Heimatfront (SHF) just 20 months before, gained more than 63 percent of the German voters and became suddenly the most important voice of the German minority in the Czechoslovak Republic. The victory was the first step on the way to the secession of the German inhabited areas of Czechoslovakia to Nazi Germany by the Munich agreement in 1938. The article
analyses the election campaign of the party in 1935 on the basis of archival documents from the Czech national archives. It aims to find out how it was possible for a completely new movement to gather so much support in such a short time. The examination of the constitution of the party and strategies used to mobilize voters has proved that the idea of the Volksgemeinschaft (“people’s community”) played the most important role for the political
success of the SHF/SdP. However, the meaning of the term Volksgemeinschaft, used also by the Nazi movement in Germany, was adjusted by SHF/SdP leaders to the specific Czechoslovak political and social reality. Besides that, an excursion into the
finances of the party has revealed the suspicion that SHF/SdP was financed from the Nazi Germany to be only partly true. and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
The article analyses election party propaganda in the Czech Social Democratic Women's Newspaper before the municipal elections in June 1919. It aims to describe the communication strategies employed to mobilize readers, the normative representations of women and womenVs political activity presented to the reader, as well as the negative images of class adversaries. It focuses mainly on specifically gendered ways of appealing to voters and strengthening their solidarity with the working class. The paper understands party propaganda as a means to gain insight into the discourxe on women and their political participation in the new Czechoslovak Republic. and Článek zahrnuje poznámkový aparát pod čarou
This paper elaborates on the authors’ previous research on the relatively unexplored area of the gender aspects of online political participation. Quantitative content analysis is used to analyse communication on selected Czech political parties’ Facebook profiles during the campaign for the parliamentary elections in 2013 and 2014. The article focuses on women’s presence in political discussions and the relationship between their presence and the negativity of the communication in the forum, and presents a literature review offering possible explanations for the surprising difference in both the activity of men and women and the differences in the activity of female participants on the profile pages of different parties. The results of this research challenge some established assumptions about the alleged narrowing of the gender gap in the Internet environment and in social media specifically, as men turn out to be much more active than women.
The article describes the Czech party system and its development over time using data from the annual financial reports of political parties and seeks to contribute to the domestic debate on the transformation of Czech political parties since 1989. The article distinguishes three factors that caused political party budgets to change – the economy, regulation, and strategy – and proposes a simple theoretical model with which to interpret and understand data obtained from the accounting books of political parties. It also presents a new three-dimensional typology of political parties based on the size of a party budget and the structure of party revenue and expenditures. The article concludes by arguing that understanding how all three of the aforementioned factors intersect could be useful for predicting the future development of party competition in the Czech Republic and facilitate the application of the ideas proposed herein to party systems abroad.