A thorough reading of the Idea of a Universal History with a Cosmopolitan Aim, The Conflict of the Faculties, Religion within the Boundaries of Mere Reason and Perpetual Peace shows that Kant embraces two distinct and opposing views on the historical-teleological sequence of establishing peace. According to the first view, the establishment of a political community anticipates the realization of peace, which in turn precedes the formation of an ethical commonwealth. However, according to the second view, the establishment of an ethical commonwealth assures the realization of peace. These opposite views can be reconciled by distinguishing three stages. First, a just political community secures a provisional legal peace that coercively guarantees external freedom and right. Secondly, legal peace in a political community makes it possible for man to realize his moral progress and to respect his moral maxims so that an ethical community is established. Finally, an ethical community upgrades merely legal peace into a moral - and truly perpetual - peace that is no longer based on mere self-interest in external freedom and right, but on communal moral dispositions concerned with inner freedom and virtue., Stijn Van Impe., and Obsahuje poznámky a bibliografii
This review-study aims to present a critical exposition of the ground-breaking work in the study of secularisation, Charles Taylor's Secular Age. The study points to the links with Taylor's preceding work, Sources of the Self, which consist above all in the contrast between the porous self and the buffered self. It also presents Taylor's conception of secularisation: secularisation is not the retreat of religion from the public sphere, but the widening of the social process that makes it impossible for one world-view to make claim to a privileged status. The study also focuses on Taylor's rejection of modernity which, in the shape of a scientistic world-view and a universalistic morality understood as the hegemony of exclusively-human categories. In the context of this rejection, the article discusses Taylor's attempt to weaken the "hegemony of the human" by a relation to transcendence., Tereza Matějčková., and Obsahuje poznámky a bibliografii
This article aims to reconstruct Taylor’s concept of strong evaluation as a model of practical rationality. The concept of strong evaluation offers an attractive alternative to proceduralism, whether of a utilitarian or Kantian type, because it enables specific moral claims to be legitimised in the life of a person, and their justification does not abstract from the motivation of the person who lives in harmony with these standards. The sense of the concept of strong evaluation consists in its ability to highlight the all-transcending nature of values and evaluation in the real life. We will seek a response to the question of whether Taylor’s interpretation of the concept of strong evaluation is sufficiently broad as to cover the three relevant components of ethics: the question of values, moral norms and moral evaluation. With respect to this question we will also give an overview of Laitinen’s reinterpretation of this concept which, on the view of the author, illuminates the inner relations between the subject and morality and, by a treatment of the nature of moral norms in concepts or reasons for actions (as distinguished from the Kantian grounding of morality), points to the complementary nature of values and moral norms., Zuzana Palovičová., and Obsahuje poznámky a bibliografii
Moderné individualistické ideológie na čele s neoliberalizmom považujú za zdroj väčšiny problémov štát, spoločnosť a komunitárne hodnoty. Aj totalitné a autoritárne režimy sú podľa klasikov liberalizmu výsledkom kolektivistických ideológií, ktoré si údajne nevážia človeka ako indivíduum. Vo svojom príspevku sa snažím ukázať, že presný opak je pravdou. Po prvé, pokúšam sa dokázať, že totalitné a autoritatívne prejavy sú vo svojej podstate vedľajším produktom individualistických, nie kolektivistických projektov. Atomizovaná masová spoločnosť, v ktorej prevládajú hodnoty individualizmu, inštrumentalizmu a konzumerizmu, vytvára predpoklady pre totalitné myslenie väčšmi než ktorákoľvek totalitná ideológia. Politický systém straníckej demokracie takisto prispieva k negatívnym prejavom autoritativizmu, ako aj ku vzniku rasistických predsudkov a totalitných ideológií, napr. fašizmu. V tejto súvislosti rozvíjam myšlienky vybraných predstaviteľov tzv. frankfurtskej školy (Herbert Marcuse), ale aj analýzy niektorých teoretikov totalitarizmu (Hannah Arendtová) či teoretikov sionizmu (Max Nordau, Nachman Syrkin). Po druhé, pokúšam sa ukázať, že kolektivistické ideológie zďaleka nemožno obviniť z toho, že by si nevážili jednotlivca, slobodu či individuálne ľudské práva. Na filozofickej problematike sociálnej spravodlivosti sa v rámci rawlsiánskeho a neomarxistického diskurzu snažím ukázať, že aj z individualistických východísk možno dospieť k veľmi egalitárskym teóriam a princípom spravodlivosti a dajú sa na nich postaviť aj koncepcie, ktoré by klasici liberalizmu označili za kolektivistické (napr. demokratický socializmus). V tejto časti svojej argumentácie vychádzam zo svojej monografie Späť k Marxovi? a v stručnosti predstavujem svoju antiakcidentálnu teóriu spravodlivosti, aby som preukázal, nakoľko je možné z metodologického individualizmu dospieť k normatívnym záverom, ktoré možno považovať za kolektivistické., Modern individualist ideologies, including neo-Liberalism, consider the state, society and communitarian values to be the source of the majority of political and social problems. According to the classics of Liberalism even totalitarian and authoritarian regimes are the consequence of the collectivist ideologies that do not respect the individual. In my contribution, I attempt to prove the opposite thesis. Firstly, I would like to prove that totalitarian and authoritarian phenomena are, substantially, the by-products of individualist (not collectivist) projects. The atomized mass society, dominated by the values of individualism, instrumentalism and consumerism creates the substratum for totalitarian thinking more than any totalitarian ideology. Even the political system of the partocratic democracy contributes to the negative phenomena of authoritarianism including racial prejudices and totalitarian ideologies, e.g. fascism. In this connection I analyse the ideas of chosen representatives of the Frankfurt School (Herbert Marcuse), the theoreticians of totalitarianism (Hannah Arendt) and the theoreticians of Zionism (Max Nordau, Nachman Syrkin). Secondly, I would like to prove that collectivist ideologies cannot be blamed for lack of respect towards individuals, liberties or human rights. I attempt to present philosophical discourse about social justice and its Rawlsian and neo-Marxist connotations to prove that it is possible to use the methodological individualist presuppositions to establish egalitarian theories and principles of justice, i.e. it is possible to use individualism to establish conceptions that would be labelled “collectivist” by the classics of Liberalism (e.g. democratic socialism). I briefly introduce my anti-accidental theory of justice to demonstrate how we might defend collectivist normative conclusions on the basis of methodological individualism., and Ľuboš Blaha.