Vážené čtenářky, vážení čtenáři, ustavování hranic – distinkcí a demarkací – je politikum, toto tvrzení je v oblasti genderových a feministických studií truismem. Rozleptávání zdánlivě stabilních diskriminačních znaků bylo ostatně jednou z klíčových feministických snah a je dodnes předmětem mnoha diskursivně -materiálních bojů. Jestliže se feministky na počátku soustřeďovaly zejména na pohlaví a gender, postupně se přidávaly hranice další, založené na sexuální orientaci, konstrukci „rasových“ a etnických hranic, socioekonomickém statusu, geografické lokaci a další., Marcela Linková, Iva Šmídová., and Obsahuje bibliografii
Border theory, an interdisciplinary approach to the analysis of cultures located (especially) on the U.S. -Mexican border, was to a great extent initiated by the publication of Gloria Anzaldúa’s multigenre masterpiece Borderlands/La Frontera – The New Mestiza (1987), which in terms of postcolonial studies resists the canon of American literature and puts forth an indigenous, geographically and culturally situated theoretical concept of Mestiza consciousness which aims to defy Western dualistic thinking. The article, rooted in postcolonial perspectives and literary studies, looks at historical concepts of the American border, investigates the metaphorization of the US -Mexican borderlands in Anzaldúa’s work and explains her notion of Mestiza consciousness., Tereza Jiroutová Kynčlová., and Obsahuje bibliografii
This article argues that, despite Poland’s better situation during the economic crisis, the long-lasting rationalisation of permanent austerity overshadows and hinders any alternative solutions in the field of social policies. In this sense, the crisis that hurt the economies of many other countries represented a reference frame for adhering to the path of austerity policies in Poland. The neoliberal track in social and economic policies was accompanied by the strengthening of their conservative pillar: any slight improvements in family policies took a maternalist direction, with a well-paid maternity leave prolonged to one year without the same individual rights being granted to fathers. Finally, the crisis served as a background for the Catholic Church’s attack on the category of “gender”, an example of moral panic. The policy changes as well as the stronger anti-feminism in public discourse were in line with the institutional and ideological legacies of the period of transition, while the crisis served as a direct and indirect reference point for the actors behind these developments., Dorota Szelewa., and Obsahuje seznam literatury
Od počátku 90. let 20. století dochází k poměrně velkým změnám v reprodukčním chování obyvatel České republiky, mimo jiné výrazně narůstá podíl dětí narozených mimo manželství. Článek podrobně popisuje vývoj intenzity plodnosti nevdaných žen ve srovnání s ženami vdanými v letech 1989-2014 na základě dat běžné evidence. Pozornost je věnována třem hlavním vlivům působícím na podíl dětí narozených mimo manželství, nejvíce pochopitelně intenzitě mimomanželské a manželské plodnosti (podle věku a pořadí narozených dětí). Analýza ukazuje, že přestože dochází od počátku 21. století ke sbližování intenzity plodnosti vdaných a nevdaných žen, prokreační chování těchto žen se stále výrazně odlišuje (průměrný věk matky při narození (prvního) dítěte, struktura narozených dětí podle pořadí narození)., Since the beginning of the 1990´s there have been relatively large changes in the reproductive behaviour of the population of the Czech Republic, including a significant increase in the proportion of children born out of wedlock. The paper describes the development of fertility rates among unmarried and married women in the years 1989-2014 in detail. Attention is paid to three main influences which are responsible for the proportion of children born out of wedlock, and obviously above all to the rates of nonmarital and marital fertility (by age and by birth order). The analysis shows that although there has been a convergence of the rates of fertility of married and unmarried women since the beginning of the 21st century, the reproductive behaviour of these women is still significantly different (average age of mother at birth of (first) child, distribution of birth order)., Barbora Kuprová., and Obsahuje bibliografii
Cílem tohoto textu je zjistit, jestli se v čase mění podíl matek, které rodí děti mimo partnerský vztah, a jestli se mění také asociace tohoto rodinného uspořádání se sociodemografickými charakteristikami matek. Rodinná uspořádání, do kterých se rodí děti, se v posledních více než dvou dekádách značně proměnila, a proto lze očekávat, že se změnil i podíl a/ nebo charakteristiky žen, které své děti rodí mimo partnerství. Jedním z důvodů, proč toho o porodech mimo partnerství víme tak málo, jsou omezené datové zdroje, ze kterých můžeme informace čerpat. Proto je cílem tohoto textu také zmapovat možnosti měření rodinného uspořádání rodiček a porovnat výsledky, která nám k tématu poskytují., Single motherhood is known to have negative consequences on the wellbeing and life chances of mothers and their children. It appears as a consequence of parental dissolution or birth to an unpartnered woman. There are studies of divorce and union separation in the Czech Republic but less is known about women who bear their children outside unions. The goal of the paper is to determine if the proportion of mothers who bear children without having a partner changes in time and if there is a change in the socio-demographic characteristics of mothers. As the data on unpartnered childbearing are limited, the paper also aims to map the available data sources and their possibilities and limitations. Two data sources are used to measure births to unpartnered mothers, the birth register (BR) and the Labour Force Survey (LFS). BR data include mothers of liveborn infants in 2007-2014 (n is 886,467) but do not contain a direct measure of family arrangement. Single mothers are defined as those who did not provide information about newborn´s father. The LFS data set is limited to households with a member under one year of age interviewed in 1993-2010 (n is 8,172). Single motherhood is defined as an absence of mother´s partner in the household. Results about single motherhood are reported for all house holds and for those headed by one of the infant´s parents. The main independent variable is time period. Three maternal characteristics are controlled for, namely education, age, and parity. The proportion of children with unidentified fathers declined slightly from about 10% in 2007 to 8% in 2014. Both measures of unpartnered childbearing based on household composition suggest a growing trend in the 1993-2007 period and then stabilisation. The proportion of mothers without partners among all households with an infant rose from 7% (1993-1995) to 12-13% (2005-2010). As for households headed by child’s single parent, the number of single mothers is underestimated because a substantial proportion of tem live in households headed by other persons. There is a growing trend from 3% to 8%. These figures also indicate that the proportion of single mothers who live in their own households increased from 37% (1993-1995) to 60% (2008-2010). Logistic regression was used to test if the trends apply to mothers in all socio-demographic groups. The results suggest that each of the measures of unpartnered motherhood is strongly associated with low (i.e. primary) education, first parity, and low or high age of mothers (up to 25 or above 35 y.o.). Interaction between time period and maternal characteristics shows that the decline in the non-identification of fathers occured in all groups of mothers except those with low (i.e. primary or vocational) education and those of third or higher parity. These groups show a growing tendency not to acknowledge fathers. The absence of fathers in households with infants exhibited a similar trend in all groups of mothers. In sum, different definitions result in different estimates of unpartnered motherhood. Depending on the measure, the ratio of births outside unions was estimated between 8% and 12% at the end of the 2000s (i.e. the time period of 2008-2010 when all of the time series overlap). Measurement based on the absence of father in any type of household provides the highest estimate of the proportion of unpartnered childbearing, while the other two measures lead to lower estimates. The results regarding temporal trends in unpartnered childbearing also depend on measurement. This suggests that the absence of coresident partner and denial of information about child´s father are different events and they are likely to further differentiate in the future., Martina Štípková., and Obsahuje bibliografii