CO2 (40, 200, 400 loM) was added to the root systém of 10-d-old pea plants (Pisum sativum L. cv. Ran). The Co2'''-excess caused a reduction in the plant fresh and diy masses and water and chlorophyll contents. The rates of photosynthesis and transpiration decreased, while proline content and stomata resistance increased. The dramatic effect of Co2+-toxicity was expressed both in an inhibition of ribulose 1,5- bisphosphate (RuBP) carboxylase activity and a stimulation of RuBP-oxygenase and phosphoenolpyruvate carboxylase activities on the 4‘h day of cnltivation of plants in a solution of 400 pM C6^*.
Heat temperature is a limiting factor for plant growth, but some plants are able to acclimate showing a marked heat resistance. Pea seedlings {Pisum sativum L.) cv. Pleven 10 (winter cv.) and Auralia (spring cv.) grown in hydroponie cultures were heat acclimated at 40, 45 and 50 °C. Non-acclimated and acclimated plants were subjected to heat stress at 55 °C and in isolated thylakoid membranes fatty acid composition and changes in the main lipid classes (monogalactosyldiacylglycerols, digalactosyldiacylglycerols and phospholipids) were determined. The acelimation to heat lead to some resistance towards heat stress, and was more expressed in the cv. Auralia.
In this essay, I reconsider the politics of contemporary philanthropy by navigating between two dominant ideological perspectives on civil society: depoliticization and demonization. I do so with reference to the recent tribulations of three famous magnate-philanthropists, Osman Kavala, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, and George Soros. By revisiting my concept of the “civil society effect” – the romanticizing of civil society as a domain free from instrumental political motivations – I aim to shed light on the broader political terrain of contemporary capitalism, in which private capital is too easily understood as a neutral medium for political transformations. At the same time, I focus on the histories and genealogies that the depoliticization of civil society silences, especially the imperial legacies that opponents of liberal philosophy – new authoritarians such as Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Vladimir Putin and Viktor Orbán – frequently invoke with pugnacity.