The extremely grave situation prevailing in the occupied Palestinian territories has already had such serious negative implications for the entire Middle East region that it has become a cause of great concern for all countries and peoples of the world. One of the threats arising today is Israel's ongoing construction of a huge racist wall, designed, inter alia, to seize large tracts of Palestinian land and annex them to the Zionist entity; to lay siege to the Palestinian people, increase their isolation and cut them off from their natural physical environment; and to turn Palestinian territory into isolated pieces of land subject to oversight and control by the colonial military settlements, which continue their creeping expansion, undermining the territorial integrity of the would-be Palestinian State and preventing the population of the territories from travelling to their capital in East Jerusalem and gaining access to their holy places of worship.

The construction of this wall falls within a larger scheme that is plain to see. The scheme is now being implemented in graphic detail in the Gaza Strip, one of the most densely populated regions in the world, which Israel is tearing apart by force into four segments, with a View to attaining the political and economic subjection of the Palestinian population to Israeli control and to severing its only outlet to the world: the Arab Republic of Egypt.

What is called a wall is in fact an integrated system of large projects, including highways, bypass roads, observation towers, electronically operated bunkers for automatic weapons, lighting systems on both sides of the wall and military barracks. The wall is three times that of the Berlin wall. Construction costs are so astronomically high that the Israeli State has been unable to finance the wall on its own and thus has had to make use of foreign credit guarantees.

The expansionist policy pursued by Israel since its creation in 1948 and practised for more than half a century has created a huge humanitarian crisis for the Palestinian people. That has resulted in the displacement of some 4 million Palestinians, who have been uprooted by Israel from their land and turned into refugees. Among that population, an entire generation knows almost nothing beyond life in refugee camps in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and several other countries and whose members are prevented by Israel from returning to their homes.

Israel has continued to build colonial settlements in the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied by it since 1967, despite United Nations opposition to the Israeli settlement policy, which is in open defiance of the will of the international community and the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, which consider the construction of Israeli settlements in the occupied Arab territories to be a violation of the norms of international law and the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949.

The construction of this wall is the culmination of a security scheme covering all settlements illegally built by Israel on the occupied Palestinian territories since 1967 and consolidating those settlements as a prelude to devouring the territories and annexing them to the Zionist entity.

The Israeli representative said this morning before the Council that after his country withdrew from southern Lebanon in May 2000 it had built a wall similar to that now under construction in the occupied Palestinian territories and that Israel had moved part of that wall 95 centimetres, at the cost of millions of dollars, in deference to the Secretary-General's wishes.

If those words are true, and if that is Israel's logic, then the question that arises today is: why has Israel not withdrawn in response to the calls by the international community and world public opinion?
Why does Israel not respond to the call by the Secretary-General and the international community to stop the construction of the wall on Palestinian territory? Those calls have been made for more than two years now. Why has Israel waited for 22 years -and waged three wars and hundreds of air raids until it was forced to withdraw from southern Lebanon - to build this wall? That withdrawal took place because we upheld our rights and because the international community also upheld those rights. Israel's withdrawal from southern Lebanon came under pressure from the resistance in southern Lebanon. Despite Israel's construction of the wall, Israel continues to occupy the Shab'a farms. The construction of the wall along the Blue Line did not prevent Israel from committing acts of aggression against Lebanon and waging air raids and other deliberate strikes against Lebanese territory.

The Palestinian people endure nothing but tragedy as a result of this overt plunder of its territories and assets and of the standard accusation against the Palestinians of being terrorists. Palestinians are pressured and executed because they demand their legitimate rights not to have their homeland torn apart and to prevent the pillaging of their natural resources by Israeli settlers under the protection of the Israeli occupation army.

The continuation, by Israel, of the construction of the wall will isolate Israel itself from the whole world and from its natural physical environment -politically, humanely and economically. The near future will prove that Israel, instead of forcing the Palestinian people to live in isolation, is actually creating a much greater isolation for itself, an isolation in a ghetto similar to those horrendous ones known in European history. The Government of Israel will thus destroy all prospects for the revival of the peace process, especially the peace offered in the Arab peace initiative, adopted at the Beirut summit in 2002.

If the Government of Israel continues to brush aside the advice offered by the friends of peace and the international community, and persists in the construction of the wall, that construction will be yet another testimony to the continued injustices committed by the Government of Israel against the Palestinian people and proof of the selfishness and inhumane attitude of the Israeli people.

Lebanon, which has been directly affected by the displacement of the Palestinian people since 1948 and continues to live side by side with this valiant people and to resist this tragedy, does not accept that these people continue to live in isolation as prisoners of the occupation within a new, large Israeli prison.

Therefore Lebanon appeals to the Security Council to adopt the draft resolution, submitted by the Arab group, which considers the construction by Israel, the occupying Power, of this wall in the occupied Palestinian territories as a violation of the 1949 armistice line. The draft resolution also states that this construction is illegal on the basis of international law and requires the end of construction on the wall, the demolition of those portions that have already been built and the restoration of the status quo ante.

Until the establishment of a comprehensive and just peace leading to the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian State that would include all national Palestinian territory - according to the 4 June 1967 borders - with Jerusalem as the capital, we hope that the Council's resolutions will uphold the status of the United Nations and its central role in bringing about justice and building peace.


At the outset, I extend my congratulations to you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of October. We also express our appreciation to your predecessor, the Permanent Representative of Mali. In addition, we would like to express our appreciation to you, Mr. President, for your serious consideration of the item on the Council's agenda today, which represents your first task since assuming the presidency, and to express our thanks to the members of the Council, in particular the members of the Non-Aligned Movement on the Council.

On 28 September 2000, Mr. Ariel Sharon, whose record is well known, took a provocative and insulting step against Arabs and Muslims when he visited Al-Haram Al-Sharif in occupied East Jerusalem with the purpose of bolstering Israel's illegitimate claims to control the third holiest site in Islam. Mr. Sharon was accompanied during his visit by a huge number of Israeli security forces, something that led to an escalation of tensions and a sense of confrontation.
This resulted in clashes at the site of Al-Haram Al-Sharif and throughout occupied East Jerusalem.
Those clashes took place between Palestinian citizens protesting Sharon's visit and Israeli security forces, and caused injuries to vast numbers of Palestinian civilians.

On 29 September 2000, after Muslim Friday prayers had been held at noon, large numbers of Israeli security forces assaulted Al-Haram Al-Sharif and attacked Muslim worshippers, thereby committing a gross act of aggression against that holy place. These events recall a similar act of aggression committed by Israeli security forces against Al-Haram Al-Sharif on 8 October 1990, when those forces killed 20 Palestinians and injured 150 Muslim worshipers.
The Sharon visit and the forced entry into Al-Haram Al-Sharif by Israeli security forces resulted in a large number of injuries and touched off massive protests by Palestinian civilians in occupied East Jerusalem and across the occupied Palestinian territories. Those protests stemmed from our people's conviction of the need to defend its holy sites against Israeli aggression and from deep frustration at the Israeli Government's policies and attitudes, which have impeded any meaningful progress in the peace process that would lead to a change in the status quo, despite the genuine efforts made by many parties, including the American Administration and the American President himself.

It was surprising, therefore, that Israel, the occupying Power, reacted to the protests by Palestinian civilians as if what it had done earlier was not sufficient in itself. Israeli security forces used considerable military power, including snipers, live ammunition, hand grenades and anti-tank missiles.
Later, helicopter gunships and moving tanks were brought into the vicinity of Palestinian towns and manned Palestinian police force posts.

Israeli soldiers deliberately killed a number of Palestinian civilians, including a Palestinian child, Mohammed Al-Durra, whose story is now well-known.
The Israeli security forces also caused severe pain and suffering to, and inflicted serious injuries on, many other civilians. Later, on 1 and 2 October, and to a lesser extent on 30 September, certain members of the Palestinian police force, having seen firsthand the severity and brutality of the attacks mounted by the Israeli forces against Palestinian civilians, engaged in clashes with those forces, including Israeli Army troops, using personal weapons, which resulted in the death of an additional number of police officers.

That exchange of fire does not change the basic nature of the events in question, which are in essence acts of oppression and brutality by Israeli security forces against Palestinian civilians. That campaign of aggression resulted in 42 martyrs, including a number of children under the age of 16, and injured more than 1,200 people, many of whom are in serious condition.
This appalling four-day toll, which does not include today's casualties, proves beyond the shadow of a doubt that the Israeli security forces deliberately tried to inflict the greatest possible harm on the Palestinian people, using their military machinery in an unprecedented fashion.

The actions carried out by the occupying Israeli forces over the past few days constitute a grave violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilians in Time of War of 1949. We believe that certain members of the Israeli Army are guilty of war crimes and must be brought to justice.
This is, of course, in addition to the destructive impact of these actions on the peace agreements in place and on the peace process.

But other serious events took place inside Israel itself, not just in the Palestinian occupied territories.
Some Israeli Arabs staged demonstrations and protests in solidarity with their brethren in the Palestinian territories. In response, the Israeli Government and police force took brutal action against this segment of its population, resulting in the death of 10 citizens and hundreds of injuries. We are talking about Israel itself here, not the occupied territories. We are talking about the Israeli Government, not the occupying Power. We are talking about Israeli citizens, albeit of Arab origin, not Palestinian citizens. This is yet more proof that Israel bears tremendous responsibility for the bloodshed of the past few days.

Some in Israel have tried to shift the blame onto the Palestinian side, claiming that the Palestinian Authority provoked its citizens. Only a gullible person or a racist would make such an allegation - a person blind to the manifestations of occupation, the continued suffering of the Palestinian people and the failure of the peace process to bring about genuine change in the daily lives of the Palestinian people. Such a person would have to be incapable of discerning the sense of frustration and humiliation gripping our people because of Israeli policies, including the attempt to profane our holy sites. Only a racist person would believe that a Palestinian citizen is inferior to others and can be ordered to be killed. Only a racist person could not understand that the Palestinian people have their own dignity and rights, like all other peoples on the planet.

What has happened over the past few days and the unprecedented actions of the Israeli side can be explained in one of only two ways. The first possibility is that Israel has decided to break the will of the Palestinian people and to undermine the credibility of the Palestinian leadership in order to force it to accept concessions within the framework of the peace process.
The other possibility is that some Israeli military officers have taken matters into their own hands for personal or political reasons. The truth might be a mixture of these two possibilities. However, we must get to the heart of the matter and understand the facts through an investigation of what happened. Those responsible must be brought to justice. We must ensure that there is no recurrence of these bloody events in the future.

The Security Council has a very specific responsibility. It must put an immediate end to Israel's brutal campaign and to the occupying Power's violation of international law, including the Fourth Geneva Convention and relevant Security Council resolutions, as well as of the commitments undertaken in the peace accords.

This is the immediate responsibility of the Council, in accordance with the United Nations Charter. If the Council were to succeed in fulfilling these obligations, as is our hope, it would indeed have played an extremely crucial role, not only in addressing the immediate grave situation as it is unfolding on the ground and in upholding international law, including international humanitarian law, but also in creating a necessary favourable environment to enable the peace process to be resuscitated and perhaps later to be resumed with a view to achieving a final agreement between the two sides. We sincerely hope that this will be achieved.

Middle East situation, including the Palestinian question


I would like warmly to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of this month's presidency of the Security Council at this auspicious time of the year, when everything is taking on a fresh look. I am convinced that, given your wisdom and rich experience, you will guide the Council's work to success. I also wish to thank Ambassador Bakuramutsa, last month's President, for having successfully conducted the work of the Council during that month.

I should like also to take this opportunity to express my regret at the departure of the members who left the Council at the end of last year. I commend them for the work they did in the Council, and I hope they will continue to be concerned in the Council's work.

I wish also warmly to welcome our new partners -the representatives of Botswana, Germany, Honduras, Indonesia and Italy. We pledge our complete cooperation with them in the Council's work.

The Chinese delegation would like, too, to welcome warmly the Foreign Minister of Italy, His Excellency Mr. Antonio Martino. We are glad to have him present during our work today.

  Since the adoption of Security Council resolution 943 (1994), the situation along the border between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Bosnia and Herzegovina has been stable. The three reports of the Co-Chairmen of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia (ICFY) transmitted by the Secretary-General to the Security Council have stated that the cooperation between the FRY Government and the International Conference's Mission continues to be satisfactory; the FRY Government continues to fulfil its commitment and the border between the FRY and Bosnia and Herzegovina remains effectively closed. We are pleased by this development and we welcome it.

The Chinese delegation has all along supported the political efforts of the international community, including those by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and the Co-Chairmen of the ICFY to resolve peacefully the question of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
We are of the view that the efforts made by the FRY in implementing Security Council resolution 943 (1994) are aimed at urging the Bosnian Serbs to accept the peace plan.
In the past month further measures have been taken by the FRY to keep the border more effectively closed, which is a great support for the work of the international Mission.
Therefore, the international community should encourage the FRY Government to continue to fulfil its commitment and to make further efforts to bring peace to Bosnia and Herzegovina, so as to enable the parties concerned to take further positive steps to advance the process of a comprehensive political settlement of the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The Chinese delegation holds that the conflict in the former Yugoslavia should be settled peacefully through negotiations and dialogue. We in principle are not in favour of settling the dispute there through sanctions or mandatory measures, for that has been proved to be of no help to the settlement of problems, but would, rather, aggravate contradictions in the region, bring tremendous sufferings to its peoples and cause serious damage to the economy of third countries that implement the sanctions, particularly those neighbouring the FRY. Similar concerns and views were expressed by the Secretary-General in document S/1995/1.

Based on that position, the Chinese delegation supports the extension of the relevant provisions on easing sanctions in resolution 943 (1994) and will vote in favour of the resolution that we shall adopt. At the same time, the Chinese delegation wishes to point out that there are some elements in the draft resolution, relating to resolutions 757 (1992) and 820 (1993), on which the Chinese delegation has, on the basis of our position of principle, expressed reservations on previous occasions. Our position on them remains unchanged today.

Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) — Sanctions


Like representatives of other delegations, I, too, would first of all like to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council. I would also like to extend thanks to your predecessor, Ambassador Ouane, for the work that he and his delegation did in September.

The Russian Federation is deeply disturbed by the sharp deterioration of the situation in the Palestinian territories, Israel and East Jerusalem. We deeply regret that the new outbreak of violence has led to the deaths of dozens of people, including children. In this connection, we extend condolences to the families of those who have died.

These tragic events were the result of provocative acts committed in the Muslim holy places on 28 September. These acts were clearly intended to derail any forward movement on the Palestinian-Israeli track of a Middle East settlement.

For its part, the Russian leadership took immediate steps to help defuse the situation. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Russia, Mr. Ivanov, had urgent telephone conversations with the leadership of Israel and that of the Palestinian Authority. He urged that the necessary steps be taken to normalize the situation and to avoid any provocation.

We strongly condemn any kind of provocative acts, from whatever source, and similarly, we strongly condemn any manifestations of extremism that are aimed at derailing the negotiating process between the Palestinian and Israeli sides. In addition, we cannot but be concerned about the Israeli troops' excessive use of force, with lethal weapons.

Russia, as a co-sponsor of the peace process in the Middle East, urges the sides to demonstrate maximum restraint so as not to allow for any further outbreaks of violence. We also urge them to take steps to stabilize the situation. Only in this way will it be possible to revive the peace dialogue and arrive at acceptable agreements.

In this connection, we welcome the meeting, to be held tomorrow in Paris, between the Israeli Prime Minister, Mr. Barak, and Chairman Arafat. We sincerely desire to see that meeting succeed. We have noted the efforts made by the United States and France in organizing the meeting. We believe that that meeting should put an end to the current wave of violence. It is also particularly important to get the sides back to the negotiating table.

Now it is necessary to make every effort to not allow those who oppose a just peace between the Israelis and Palestinians to undermine the peace process. The Security Council must continue in the future to pay close attention to the situation in the Middle East, including in the occupied Palestinian territories. The Council must respond adequately so as to help to create a propitious political atmosphere for arriving at a comprehensive settlement.


I should like first to
congratulate Germany on its assumption of the
presidency of the Security Council for this month, and
to thank France for its extraordinarily efficient
presidency in January.

Allow me also to express the deepest condolences
of the Bulgarian people with regard to the Columbia
space shuttle tragedy - to the families and the peoples
of the seven astronauts.

I should like to join previous speakers in
expressing my appreciation for the information that
Secretary of State Colin Powell has laid out before us.
Yesterday, Bulgaria also aligned itself with the position
of the European presidency, on behalf of the European
Union, regarding Iraq.

The very fact that the United States Government
has chosen to present this information to the Security
Council strengthens the centrality of the Council, and
we fully endorse that approach. The strong and
compelling evidence presented by Secretary Powell
sheds additional light on the realities in Iraq as far as
the implementation of resolution 1441 (2002) and other
relevant Council resolutions is concerned. I hope that
the data that has been made public can still be used for
the effective accomplishment of the work of the
inspectors of the United Nations Monitoring,
Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC)
and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). I
would like to believe that what we heard today from
the United States Secretary of State will have the same
mobilizing effect on the international community as the
adoption of resolution 1441 (2002).
Three months ago, the Security Council
unanimously adopted resolution 1441 (2002) as a last
chance for the disarmament of Iraq by peaceful means.
I am confident that today's meeting of the Council -
the body which bears the primary responsibility for
maintaining international peace and security - will
carry a compelling message to the international
community.

Today's ministerial discussion in the Security
Council comes in the wake of the reports of the
UNMOVIC and IAEA inspectors submitted on 27
January and of the discussion that followed on 29
January. The active cooperation of the Iraqi authorities
is a prerequisite for the full implementation of
resolution 1441 (2002). Unfortunately, Iraq's
cooperation has not been satisfactory on the
substantive issues identified by the inspectors. We
insist that Iraq provide additional and complete
information confirming the destruction of any weapons
of mass destruction available to it and duly address the
specific questions already raised by the international
community about the Iraqi weapons programme.

It is of paramount importance that Iraq give,
unconditionally and immediately, clear evidence that it
has fully changed its attitude to one of proactive
cooperation with the inspectors. That is the only way in
which the disarmament of Iraq can be brought to a
successful end in a peaceful manner. So far, Iraq has
been in material breach of the relevant Security
Council resolutions, including resolution 1441 (2002),
and the Secretary of State has just provided new
evidence proving that.

By the time of the next briefing, scheduled for 14
February, we expect Iraq to have complied fully with
its disarmament obligations, and we look forward to
another objective, impartial and professional report
from the inspectors.

Bulgaria's position has always been that all
means should be used for the peaceful settlement of the
present crisis. My country believes that the effective
and peaceful disarmament of Iraq is still possible
through the implementation of resolution 1441 (2002).
At the same time, the international community should
assume its responsibilities for ensuring the
implementation of the relevant Security Council
resolutions, thus strengthening the role and the
authority of the United Nations in international
relations. In the event that, in the near future, the
inspectors do not report to the Council that Iraq has
changed its attitude with regard to its obligations, the
Security Council will have to take the appropriate
action for the implementation of the relevant
resolutions adopted since 1990.

Hopefully, today's meeting will represent a
further step towards the unity of the Council on the
issue of Iraq, reinforcing the efforts of the international
community to fight the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction.

We hope that the Council will face its great
responsibilities with unanimity and will reaffirm its
primary role in dealing with the crisis. The Iraqi people
deserve a better destiny and a peaceful future, and
Bulgaria is ready to contribute towards achieving that
goal.


Please allow me to warmly
congratulate you, Sir, and your friendly country,
Bangladesh, on your assumption of the presidency of
the Security Council for the current month. I am
confident that with your experience and skill the
proceedings of the Council will be successfully guided.

I would also like to express my gratitude to your
predecessor, Ambassador James Cunningham of the
United States, for his impressive stewardship of the
Council during the month of May.

It would be remiss of me not to mention Jordan's
deep appreciation to Secretary-General Kofi Annan for
his tireless efforts, prudent leadership and
extraordinary sense of purpose, and for his pursuit of
the purposes and principles of the United Nations in
order to attain international peace and security.

Today we are discussing the agenda item entitled
"The situation between Iraq and Kuwait", and our
deliberations take place 10 years after the eruption of
the Gulf crisis that was triggered by Iraq invading the
State of Kuwait.

Our entire region is still suffering from the severe
repercussions of that crisis. Iraq continues to pay a
hefty price as a consequence of the comprehensive
sanctions imposed upon it that will have an impact on
future generations of the Iraqi population in terms of
their food, livelihood, health and prospects for
economic growth and development. The result is an
unprecedented case of civilian suffering.

Jordan has consistently called for an end to the
plight and suffering of Iraq and its people. This type of
collective punishment, the most severe in the history of
the United Nations, did not achieve its declared
purposes of consolidating peace and security. On the
contrary, those sanctions created conditions that in the
long run may endanger the future of the whole region.

Jordan is one of the countries that continue to
endure dire economic consequences as a result of its
adherence to the relevant Security Council resolutions.
Large segments of our economy, including land,
maritime and air transportation, manufacturing,
agriculture, and labour, continue to incur substantial
losses. This, in itself, should prompt work to eliminate
the adverse impact on Jordan of the sanctions imposed
on Iraq.

My delegation is aware that the Council is
currently engaged in consultations aimed at reviewing
the policies and modus operandi of the oil-for-food
programme that was initiated in 1996 on the basis of
the Memorandum of Understanding signed with Iraq to
implement Security Council resolution 986 (1995).
However, we would like to draw the attention of the
members of the Council to the fact that any revised
policies elaborated should be viable. They should be
implementable and should enjoy the agreement of all
concerned, including Iraq, especially given that these
policies are based on prior understandings among all
parties.

In this context, we would like to emphasize that
the parameters for improving the humanitarian
conditions in Iraq must prevail over all other
considerations. Furthermore, a clear line must be drawn
between the policies governing the modus operandi of
the oil-for-food programme and the process of calling
for the implementation of all relevant Security Council
resolutions.

It must be stressed that the Council itself must
bear the consequences of any preventive collective
measures, as is clearly provided for in Articles 49 and
50 of the Charter, as well as the legal implications
thereof. This is all the more so in view of the extremely
sensitive circumstances prevailing in the region as a
result of the stalling peace process and the spiralling
cycle of violence.

Hence, we believe that the Council should
carefully and thoroughly examine the implications of
any actions to be taken on Jordan and the region, and
should act according to its sense of responsibility under
the Charter.

In this context my Government has submitted a
memorandum to the Secretary-General of the United
Nations illustrating the gigantic repercussions that
would face Jordan and its economy if the existing
agreements governing all aspects of economic relations
between it and its primary trade partner, Iraq, are
interrupted. These include Jordan's import of all its oil
needs from Iraq. Jordan notified the Council of this
matter in 1990.

The call for the faithful implementation of
relevant Security Council resolutions should respect
the preservation of Iraq's unity, sovereignty and
territorial integrity and should refrain from any actions
that may infringe on these principles. We believe that
the only way out of the current crisis lies in the lifting
of sanctions imposed against Iraq by the Council,
thereby extricating Iraq from this dilemma, and by
reviving a comprehensive dialogue between Baghdad
and the United Nations in order to settle all the
outstanding issues that emanate from Iraq's invasion of
Kuwait, including those relating to Kuwaiti and third
country prisoners and missing persons, and the
maintenance and security of the sovereignty of both
Kuwait and Iraq.