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| Aesthetic Appreciation and Spanish Art: |
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| Insights from Eye-Tracking |
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| Claire Bailey-Ross claire.bailey-ross@port.ac.uk University of Portsmouth, United Kingdom |
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| Andrew Beresford a.m.beresford@durham.ac.uk Durham University, United Kingdom |
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| Daniel Smith daniel.smith2@durham.ac.uk Durham University, United Kingdom |
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| Claire Warwick c.l.h.warwick@durham.ac.uk Durham University, United Kingdom |
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| How do people look at and experience art? |
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| Which elements of specific artworks do they focus on? |
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| Do museum labels have an impact on how people look at artworks? |
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| The viewing experience of art is a complex one, involving issues of perception, attention, memory, decision-making, affect, and emotion. |
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| Thus, the time it takes and the ways of visually exploring an artwork can inform about its relevance, interestingness, and even its aesthetic appeal. |
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| This paper describes a collaborative pilot project focusing on a unique collection of 17th Century Zurbarán paintings. |
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| The Jacob cycle at Auckland Castle is the only UK example of a continental collection preserved in situ in purpose-built surroundings. |
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| While studies of the psychology of art have focused on individual works and distinctions between representative / non-representative topics, no work has been completed on the aesthetic appreciation of collections or of devotional themes. |
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| In this paper, we report upon the novel insights eye-tracking techniques have provided into the unconscious processes of viewing the unique collection of Zurbarán artworks. |
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| The purpose of this pilot study was to assess the effects of different written interpretation on the visual exploration of artworks. |
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| We will discuss the potential implications of these techniques and our understanding of visual behaviours on museum and gallery practice. |
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| The project brings together established research strengths in Spanish art history, experimental psychology, digital humanities, and museum studies to explore, using eye-tracking techniques, aesthetic reactions to digital representations of the individual Zurbarán artworks as well as the significance of the collection as a whole. |
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| Our experience of art develops from the interaction of several cognitive and affective processes; the beginning of which is a visual scan of the artwork. |
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| When regarding an artwork, a viewer gathers information through a series fixations, interspersed by rapid movements of the eye called saccades. |
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| The direction of saccades is determined by an interaction between the goals of the observer and the physical properties of the different elements of the scene (e.g. colour, texture, brightness etc). |
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| Importantly, studying eye movements offers an insight that does not depend on the participants’ beliefs, memories or subjective impressions of the artwork. |
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| Previous eye tracking research has highlighted the potential to transform the ways we understand visual processing in the arts (see for example Brieber 2014; Binderman et al., 2005) and at the same time offers a direct way of studying several important factors of a museum visit (Filippini Fantoni et al., 2013; Heidenreich & Turano 2011; Milekic 2010). |
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| Zurbarán’s cycle of Jacob and his Sons has been on display in the Long Room at Auckland Castle for over 250 years. |
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| It is the only cycle to be preserved in purpose-built surroundings in the UK, and one of very few of its kind in the world. |
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| It has a long history in scholarship (Baron & Beresford 2014), but many key aspects of its production and significance have not yet been fully understood. |
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| In this study we used eye-tracking in the first stage of exploring audience experience of the extensive Spanish art collections of County Durham, of which the 13 Zurbarán artworks (there are actually only 12 Zurbarán artworks, the 13th Benjamin, is a copy by Arthur Pond) are a key part of, to investigate the ways in which audiences look at Spanish art, how aesthetic experience is evaluated and whether audiences can be encouraged to approach art in different ways. |
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| This pilot project primarily investigated how participants visually explore artworks and provides new insights into the potential eye-tracking has to transform the ways we understand visual processing in arts and culture and at the same time offer a direct way of studying several important factors of a museum visit, namely to assess the effects of label characteristics on visitor visual behaviour. |
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| 1 Introduction |
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| Tenured and tenure-track university faculty play a special role in determining the speed and direction of scientific progress, both directly through their research and indirectly through their training of new researchers. |
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| Past studies establish that each of these efforts is strongly and positively influenced through various forms of faculty diversity, including ethnic, racial, and gender diversity. |
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| As an example, research shows that greater diversity within a community or group can lead to improved critical thinking [1] and more creative solutions to complex tasks [2, 3] by pairing together individuals with unique skillsets and perspectives that complement and often augment the abilities of their peers. |
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| Additionally, diversity has been shown to produce more supportive social climates and effective learning environments [4], which can facilitate the mentoring of young scientists. |
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| Despite these positive effects, however, quantifying the impact of diversity in science remains exceedingly difficult, due in large part to a lack of comprehensive data about the scientific workforce. |
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| Measuring the composition and dynamics of a scientific workforce, particularly in a rapidly expanding field like computer science, is a crucial first step toward understanding how scholarly research is conducted and how it might be enhanced. |
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| For many scientific fields, however, there is no central listing of all tenure-track faculty, making it difficult to define a rigorous sample frame for analysis. |
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| Further, rates of adoption of services like GoogleScholar and ResearchGate vary within, and across disciplines. |
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| For instance, gender representation in computing is an important issue with broad implications [5], but without a full census of computing faculty, the degree of inequality and its possible sources are difficult to establish [6]. |
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| Some disciplines, like political science, are organized around a single professional society, whose membership roll approximates a full census [7]. |
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| Most fields, on the other hand, including computer science, lack a single all-encompassing organization and membership information is instead distributed across many disjoint lists, such as web-based faculty directories for individual departments. |
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| Because assembling such a full census is difficult, past studies have tended to avoid this task and have instead used samples of researchers [8 – 11], usually specific to a particular field [12 – 16], and often focused on the scientific elite [17, 18]. |
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| Although useful, such samples are not representative of the scientific workforce as a whole and thus have limited generalizability. |
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| One of the largest census efforts to date assembled, by hand, a nearly complete record of three academic fields: computer science, history, and business [19]. |
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| This data set has shed considerable light on dramatic inequalities in faculty training, placement, and scholarly productivity [6, 19, 20]. |
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| But, this data set is only a single snapshot of an evolving and expanding system and hence offers few insights into the changing composition and diversity trends within these academic fields. |
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| In some fields, yearly data on faculty numbers and composition are available in aggregate. |
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| In computer science, the Computing Research Association (CRA) documents trends in the employment of PhD recipients through the annual Taulbee survey of computing departments in North America (cra.org/resources/taulbee-survey). |
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| Such surveys can provide valuable insight into trends and summary statistics on the scientific workforce but suffer from two key weaknesses. |
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| First, surveys are subject to variable response rates and the misinterpretation of questions or sample frames, which can inject bias into fine-grained analyses [21, 22]. |
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| Second, aggregate information provides only a high-level view of a field, which can make it difficult to investigate causality [23]. |
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| For example, differences in recruitment and retention strategies across departments will be washed out by averaging, thereby masking any insights into the efficacy of individual strategies and policies. |
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| Here, we present a novel system, based on a topical web crawler, that can quickly and automatically assemble a full census of an academic field using digital data available on the public World Wide Web. |
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| This system is efficient and accurate, and it can be adapted to any academic discipline and used for continuous collection. |
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| The system is capable of collecting census data for an entire academic field in just a few hours using off-the-shelf computing hardware, a vast improvement over the roughly 1600 hours required to do this task by hand [19]. |
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| By assembling an accurate census of an entire field from online information alone, this system will facilitate new research on the composition of academic fields by providing access to complete faculty listings, without having to rely on surveys or professional societies. |
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| This system can also be used longitudinally to study how the workforce’s composition changes over time, which is particularly valuable for evaluating the effectiveness of policies meant to broaden participation or improve retention of faculty. |
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| Finally, applied to many academic fields in parallel, the system can elucidate scientists’ movement between different disciplines and relate those labor flows to scientific advances. |
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| In short, many important research questions will benefit from the availability of accurate and frequently-recollected census data. |
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| Our study is organized as follows. |
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| We begin by detailing the design and implementation of our web crawler framework. |
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| Next, we present the results of our work in two sections. |
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| The first demonstrates the validity and utility of the crawler by collecting census data for the field of computer science and comparing it to a hand-curated census, collected in 2011 [19]. |
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| The second provides an example of the type of research enabled by our system and uses the 2011 and 2017 censuses to investigate the “leaky pipeline” problem in faculty retention. |
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| 2. New Institutional Economics: Theoretical Foundations and Application to the Argentine Case |
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| 2.1. New Institutional Economics, Property Rights, and Credibility of the State’s Commitment |
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| Throughout the second half of the 20th century, we have witnessed the return of institutions to economic analysis. |
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| The awarding of the Nobel Prize in Economics to its main representatives (Douglass North, Ronald Coase, Oliver Williamson, and Elinor Ostrom) has contributed to its greater recognition. |
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| The two main notions of this economic approach are the concepts of transaction costs and institutions, analyzed by Coase and North, respectively. |
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| Coase [13,14] argues that economic transactions involve costs, and where these costs outweigh the gains, the exchange will not take place. |
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| For its part, North defined the institutions as the “rules of the game”: they determine the structure of the economy, establish incentives for economic behavior, and affect social interaction [12]. |
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| Thus, institutions also determine the level of uncertainty to which individuals are subject, stimulating or discouraging transactions. |
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| A viable economy requires an institutional structure that reduces existing uncertainty and guarantees property rights. |
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| In other words, it is critical that economic agents believe that their property rights will not be taken away by other public or private actors [15]. |
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| Achieving these objectives requires the creation of inclusive institutions, which guarantee the right to private property, incorporate an impartial legal system, and promote a society based on equality of conditions [16]. |
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| Of course, the state takes a lead role in promoting this type of institution. |
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| The state must protect property rights, provide public services, and ensure a sound judiciary. |
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| It is responsible also for imposing order and promoting a climate of cooperation among agents, penalizing all violators of contracts [17]. |
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| The path to a prosperous society is not an easy one. |
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| It is society that establishes, through political processes, the type of economic institutions that are adopted. |
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| If there are disagreements about the policies to be implemented, then the group that wins the political game will make the final decision. |
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| On the one hand, a society that adopts policies promoting inclusive political institutions will develop pluralist and centralized institutions. |
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| Inclusive institutions guarantee the right to private property, to an impartial legal system and promote a society based on equal conditions. |
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| These institutions benefit not only the elites, but society as a whole. |
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| The consequences of implementing inclusive institutions are reflected in increased activity, productivity, and economic growth. |
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| On the other hand, if extractive political institutions are implemented, then power will be consolidated within a small number of groups. |
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| In governments with extractive policies, the group in power usually extracts resources from the rest of the population for its own enrichment and well-being. |
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| Another feature of this type of government is that powerful interest groups oppose increased pluralism because it typically results in the loss of their privileges. |
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| Those in power have little interest in their power devolving to a greater number of agents, as would occur under political institutions that were more pluralistic [16]. |
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| It follows that the role of the state is essential. |
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| The institutional structure of a state and its constitution are responsible for restricting predatory action—even by the state itself—and for creating rules that benefit the community [18]. |
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| Moreover, compliance mechanisms must reflect ex ante and ex post standards [12]. |
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| But what happens when property rights are not respected? |
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| What if it is the state itself that exhibits predatory behavior? |
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| All these questions have a place in this case analysis. |
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| The expropriation of YPF is a case in which the Argentine State presents predatory behavior, encouraged by an extractive institutional framework. |
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| If the decisions taken by the state are not based on the general interest and, in their execution, do not respect property rights, the number of transactions will be reduced, which will result in unfavorable economic performance. |
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| In a scenario with insecure property rights, asymmetric information, and a judicial system that acts as a lax enforcement mechanism, as discussed in the following sections, the FDI is difficult to attract. |
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| 2.2. Institutional Structure of the Argentine State |
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| In order to understand policymaking and its effects, one must have adequate knowledge of the focal country’s institutional framework. |
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| Most of Argentina’s governments have been of the predatory type. |